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ACF Berates Senate over Insistence on IGP Appearance

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  • Says Senate is Being Driven by Ego, Not National Interest

 

By Abdul Rahman Aliagan

 

The Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) has berated the Upper Chamber of the National Assembly for insisting that the Inspector General of Police, Mr Ibrahim Idris should appear before the Senate, describing it has being driven more by ego rather than national interest. The Forum asks Senators to leave the IGP alone to enable him do his work, instead of being constantly harassed and distracted from his core mandate.

 

The ACF made its position known in a statement signed by its president, Alhaji Yerima Shettima and made available to Journalists.

 

The Forum said, “We are seriously disturbed that the Senate as an institution would spend so much time and energy on asking the IGP to appear before it, as if that is the Number One priority of the nation. It is worrisome that this is happening at a time Nigerians were looking forward to the signing of the country’s budget, especially considering the kind of loud complaints everyday about the delay by the Senate to pass the 2018 budget. This delay has sparked loud outcries across the nation, with many Nigerians calling the Senate unprintable names, especially after repeated promises to do so.

 

“It is indisputable that summoning the IGP is never a priority of the Nigerian electorate and the Senate should kindly consider the unfolding events as needless distractions.

 

“There are clear legal implications about the Senate’s insistence that the IGP must appear. The recent condemnation of this position of the Senate by Femi Falana (SAN) has portrayed the Senate as an institution run by egos rather than the rule of law, democratic principles and priority needs of the nation.

 

“We are not happy that it turned out to be so. But we are appalled that it took the public criticism of the Senate by Falana to make the Senate realize the legal implications of their current war against the IGP.

 

“We have the conviction that if the Senate does not manage its time well, by concentrating on priority needs of our nation, they stand the risk of exhausting the first four years of their law-making existence inviting appointees of the Federal Government, rather than initiating and passing bills and ensuring that the culture of budget delays is discarded.

 

“Much as we have no quarrel with Senate doing its oversight functions, we are unsettled by the energy and resources being put into bickering with the IGP and taking the nation nowhere. We do not believe that any repetition of the unfortunate bickering between the Senate and EFCC’s Ibrahim Magu or with Col. Hameed Ali of the Customs Service would do this nation any good.

 

“The consequence of this war on the nation is obvious: the IGP has the militia killings in Benue, Taraba, Adamawa, Zamfara and Kaduna to face. His hands are already full with these security challenges to be involved with other issues like appearing before a Senate committee. Deaths of innocent citizens are involved and we expect the Senate to consider this sad reality as well as the urgent need for IGP to act fast.

 

“We urge Nigerians of good conscience to prevail on the Senate to let the IGP confront the killing spree in many States of the country. This is a critical moment in the history of this nation and we cannot afford a bickering while thousands of innocent souls keep on dying from militia attacks.

 

“We dare say that anything worth doing is worth doing well and so, let the IGP be.

 

It would be recalled that for the third time, the IGP has consistently refused to honour the invitations by the Senate, this total respect for constituted authority of the lawmakers has made the Senate labelled IGP as the enemy of democracy and unfit to hold any public office.

 

   

About author
Time Nigeria is a modern and general interest Magazine with its Headquarters in Abuja. The Magazine has a remarkable difference in editorial philosophy and goals, it adheres strictly to the ethics of Journalism by using the finest ethos of the profession to promote peace among citizens; identifying and harnessing the nation’s vast resources; celebrating achievements of government agencies, individuals, groups and corporate organizations and above all, repositioning Nigeria for the needed growth and development. Time Nigeria gives emphasis to places and issues that have not been given adequate attention by others. The Magazine is national in outlook and is currently being read and patronized both in print and on our vibrant and active online platform (www.timenigeria.com).
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This is not a story about a reluctant investor. It is a story about capital that wants to move, cannot find enough places willing and able to receive it in a form it can underwrite, and quietly waits instead. Multiply that fund by the hundreds of pension schemes, sovereign wealth vehicles, commercial banks and infrastructure funds now carrying dedicated allocations for emerging-market infrastructure, and a pattern emerges that rarely makes it into a headline: the world is not short of capital for infrastructure. It has capital in historic abundance, sitting adjacent to a historic infrastructure gap, unable to cross the distance between the two. 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It is also, on close inspection, not what the evidence shows. Pension funds globally hold trillions in assets under management with explicit infrastructure allocations that remain structurally underweight, not because trustees have rejected the asset class but because deal flow meeting their risk and governance thresholds has not materialised at the pace their mandates assume. Sovereign wealth funds report the same pattern. Commercial banks with dedicated project finance desks describe pipelines that look full at the term-sheet stage and thin dramatically by financial close. Development finance institutions, whose entire purpose is to absorb risk that commercial capital will not, routinely report that their binding constraint is not capital adequacy but the volume of bankable transactions their teams can originate and structure in a given year. None of this fits the scarcity narrative. All of it fits a different one. Availability Is Not Deployability  Capital availability and capital deployability are not the same condition, and the conflation of the two is doing real damage to how the world thinks about the infrastructure gap. Availability asks whether money exists somewhere with a mandate that could, in principle, be pointed at infrastructure. Deployability asks something much narrower and much harder: whether a specific project, at a specific moment, has been engineered, structured, documented and de-risked to the point where an investment committee can approve it without exception. The first condition is met, overwhelmingly, across nearly every category of capital that matters to infrastructure. The second is met by only a small fraction of the projects competing for it. The result is a market that looks, from the outside, like a financing gap, and functions, from the inside, like a conversion problem: an abundance of capital on one side, an abundance of infrastructure need on the other, and an underbuilt set of mechanisms in between capable of turning one into the other at any meaningful scale. Where the Conversion Breaks  The break does not happen at the ends of the process. It happens in the middle, in the unglamorous sequence of work that turns a plausible concept into an instrument a fiduciary can sign. A promising transmission project needs a feasibility study rigorous enough to survive institutional scrutiny rather than optimistic enough to attract early interest. It needs offtake arrangements that hold up under real counterparty and currency risk, not the counterparty risk assumed in a base case. It needs environmental and social documentation calibrated to the standards of the institutions being asked to fund it, not the standards of the jurisdiction hosting it. It needs a legal and commercial structure that allocates risk in ways a commercial lender, not only a development financier, will accept. It needs a sponsor capable of executing what has been proposed, not merely capable of proposing it. Each of these is ordinary project finance discipline. None of it is exotic, and in mature infrastructure markets it happens as a matter of course, absorbed into systems built over decades: specialist advisers, standard-form contracts, established procurement norms, deep pools of transaction expertise. What is missing in the markets where the infrastructure gap is largest is not the standard itself but the machinery that meets it. Projects arrive at investment committees with ambition intact and preparation incomplete, and that gap is treated, again and again, as an individual project’s failure rather than what it actually is: a structural absence in the systems responsible for producing investable transactions at scale. 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It consists of project preparation facilities able to fund feasibility and structuring work before commercial viability has been proven. Transaction advisers capable of building deals that satisfy development mandates and commercial return thresholds at once, rather than treating the two as separate constituencies to be managed sequentially. Risk-sharing and guarantee instruments that convert political, regulatory and currency risk into something a commercial balance sheet can underwrite. Aggregation platforms that bundle smaller, individually sub-scale projects into portfolios large enough to justify institutional transaction costs. Standardised documentation that reduces the bespoke legal cost of every new deal. And coordination across ministries, regulators and financiers robust enough that a technically sound project does not die in bureaucratic sequencing after the money has already been found. None of these are new ideas in isolation. What is missing is their assembly into a coherent system, deliberately funded and institutionally accountable, rather than scattered across donor-funded pilots that end when the grant does. 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