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Gani Adams, an Ingrate, Traitor and Misfit for the Yoruba Race – Group

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By Time Nigeria

Our attention has been drawn to an interview granted Gani Adams by The Heritage Online Television, where Gani Adams threw decorum, decency and respect for elders, cardinal attributes of a true-born Yoruba, to the wind, to throw feeble verbal jabs at Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, over the issue of much taunted Restructuring of Nigeria, of which he knows very little about, calling him unprintable names. 

This is contained in a statement signed by Hon. Agarawu Wasiu, Coordinator, Bola Tinubu Disciples Organization

It stated, “Having critically watched, listened and examined the interview the Bola Tinubu Disciples Organization (BTDO), deem it necessary and important to respond to the unruly and unwarranted vomits of the so called Aare Gani Adams, in his unhidden and unbridled  but vain desperation to smear the good image of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu.”

According to the statement, “It is on record that the coming into the limelight of Gani Adams, was offshoot of the support he enjoyed from Asiwaju Bola Tinubu . 

“Gani Adams, was one time prominent Okada rider on the streets of Mushin and became popular through his notorious activities. He graduated from Okada riding to a “cut and nail carpenter” in Mushin.

“We are abashed that Adams could have easily forgotten the roles Asiwaju Tinubu played in his climb to the stardom he is now finding so difficult to manage. Asiwaju played the father for Adams when he wedded. When he was declared wanted by then Lagos Police Commissioner, Mr Mike Okiro, it was same Asiwaju that saved him. This ingrate would have been wasted by Okiro, but Asiwaju Tinubu rose up and stood firmly by him.”

It reads further, “There was a particular night,  when Okiro and his team were hell bent on eliminating the blood sucking  brigand, Gani Adams, who was terrorizing the entire Lagos and Ogun States at that time over his untutored agitation for Yoruba autonomy, leading to barbaric killings of Police men, wrecking havoc and causing unrest in South West States of Nigeria. 

“This is the man who was rehabilitated by Asiwaju Bola Tinubu to become what he is today, after he was released from Kikikiri Maximum Prison. 

“It is imperative to inform the general public to ignore the hungry,  rampaging loafer who is hiding under a struggle for the freedom of Yoruba to propagate the interest of his party, the PDP where he is a contractor and a corporate beggar.”

The statement maintained that, “He had at a point said Asiwaju Tinubu does not give him intended  attention anymore. He said he will never work for any interest of Asiwaju  Bola Tinubu in his life time again. The question now is: why is he now seeking attention? To think of it, has Asiwaju come out to even tell him nor anybody that he is contesting for Presidency in 2023? Why is Gani crying more than the bereaved? 

“Gani Adams is the only problem we have in Yorubaland, a double face and traitor who can trade his kids for money. 

“We understand his plight. He is being ignored politically in Southwest and doesn’t find it comfortable that none of South West state is paying him political attention any longer. 

“However, people should ask him why he directed OPC leaders and members to cast their votes for Atiku Abubakar in 2019 Presidential election if his intention is to see Nigeria restructured. Adams is a chameleon, a visionless and directionless , abjectly confused man.

“Of what importance does he think he is in Yorubaland? A nobody ofcourse! 

“The relevance of his bravery and importance  to our security should be measured wth his level of involvement in the quest to form Amotekun. He was sidelined during the implementation of the Amotekun Security Outfits, just because of his garrulous behavior. 

“How many people has he empowered? None. Even with the billion of Naira he raked in during Goodluck Jonathan’s administration. We understand the money is either finished or depleted, and that’s why he’s out to dent the image of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. He’s a failure! 

“Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, in his capacity, has made millions of people, his records are unbeatable.”

People’ should ask questions: why did Adams go to the Villa in his desperation to meet with President Mohammadu Buhari? Is Buhari no longer a fulani man? The statement asks.

It also claims that, “Gani Adams, as we all know has lost fame and recognition in Yorubaland but he’s looking for an avenue for his voice to be heard again. His name has always been associated with controversial issues.”

“Recently, he was equating himself with His Imperial Majesty Oba Ogunwusi Adeyeye Enitan, The Ooni of Ife and other Yoruba Obas until he was placed where he belongs.  

“The story of how he betrayed Dr. Fredrick Faseun by hijacking and factionalizing Oodua People’s Congress,  is still very fresh in memories. He changed the mission of the group from its original aims and objectives and forced himself to lead, though rudderlessly. 

“We advise Gani Adams to go back to the Oodua People’s Congress and reconcile with those who have broken away from the group as a result of his selfish interests and his reckless leadership style, rather than chasing shadow. Many  of these cadres have  been Killed or maimed by him.

“After settling his boiling home, he can now begin another reconcoation with  some Yoruba elders. Yorubaland is not forsale.

“On this note, we warn Gani Adams to stop his campaign of calumny against Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as we will not fold our arms, while a Yoruba misfits continues to drag the image of our Leader in the mud. We will not condone it because Yorubaland is not for hypocrite. We have all facts and evidence at our disposal to expose and disgrace Adams.” It concluded.

   

About author
Time Nigeria is a modern and general interest Magazine with its Headquarters in Abuja. The Magazine has a remarkable difference in editorial philosophy and goals, it adheres strictly to the ethics of Journalism by using the finest ethos of the profession to promote peace among citizens; identifying and harnessing the nation’s vast resources; celebrating achievements of government agencies, individuals, groups and corporate organizations and above all, repositioning Nigeria for the needed growth and development. Time Nigeria gives emphasis to places and issues that have not been given adequate attention by others. The Magazine is national in outlook and is currently being read and patronized both in print and on our vibrant and active online platform (www.timenigeria.com).
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The Missing Middle of Infrastructure Finance: Why Capital Still Fails to Become Infrastructure

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  By Chidi Nwafor  In October 2023, a Gulf sovereign wealth fund quietly closed a $2 billion allocation to global infrastructure, earmarked in part for emerging-market energy and transport assets. The announcement drew the usual applause: another sign, commentators said, that institutional capital was finally waking up to the infrastructure opportunity in the Global South. Eighteen months later, less than a tenth of that allocation had actually left the fund’s balance sheet. Not because the mandate had changed. Not because the fund had lost appetite. According to two people familiar with the portfolio, the constraint was simpler and more uncomfortable: there were not enough investable projects to put the money into. This is not a story about a reluctant investor. It is a story about capital that wants to move, cannot find enough places willing and able to receive it in a form it can underwrite, and quietly waits instead. Multiply that fund by the hundreds of pension schemes, sovereign wealth vehicles, commercial banks and infrastructure funds now carrying dedicated allocations for emerging-market infrastructure, and a pattern emerges that rarely makes it into a headline: the world is not short of capital for infrastructure. It has capital in historic abundance, sitting adjacent to a historic infrastructure gap, unable to cross the distance between the two. The Comfortable Explanation  The explanation on offer at every major infrastructure summit is a familiar one. Global infrastructure investment needs run into the tens of trillions of dollars over the coming decade; committed capital falls well short; therefore, the problem is one of insufficient funding, and the solution is more of it: more pledges, more blended-finance facilities, more climate funds, more multilateral capital increases. It is a comfortable explanation because it assigns responsibility clearly to governments who under-fund, institutions who under-commit, and it offers a clean remedy: raise more. It is also, on close inspection, not what the evidence shows. Pension funds globally hold trillions in assets under management with explicit infrastructure allocations that remain structurally underweight, not because trustees have rejected the asset class but because deal flow meeting their risk and governance thresholds has not materialised at the pace their mandates assume. Sovereign wealth funds report the same pattern. Commercial banks with dedicated project finance desks describe pipelines that look full at the term-sheet stage and thin dramatically by financial close. Development finance institutions, whose entire purpose is to absorb risk that commercial capital will not, routinely report that their binding constraint is not capital adequacy but the volume of bankable transactions their teams can originate and structure in a given year. None of this fits the scarcity narrative. All of it fits a different one. Availability Is Not Deployability  Capital availability and capital deployability are not the same condition, and the conflation of the two is doing real damage to how the world thinks about the infrastructure gap. Availability asks whether money exists somewhere with a mandate that could, in principle, be pointed at infrastructure. Deployability asks something much narrower and much harder: whether a specific project, at a specific moment, has been engineered, structured, documented and de-risked to the point where an investment committee can approve it without exception. The first condition is met, overwhelmingly, across nearly every category of capital that matters to infrastructure. The second is met by only a small fraction of the projects competing for it. The result is a market that looks, from the outside, like a financing gap, and functions, from the inside, like a conversion problem: an abundance of capital on one side, an abundance of infrastructure need on the other, and an underbuilt set of mechanisms in between capable of turning one into the other at any meaningful scale. Where the Conversion Breaks  The break does not happen at the ends of the process. It happens in the middle, in the unglamorous sequence of work that turns a plausible concept into an instrument a fiduciary can sign. A promising transmission project needs a feasibility study rigorous enough to survive institutional scrutiny rather than optimistic enough to attract early interest. It needs offtake arrangements that hold up under real counterparty and currency risk, not the counterparty risk assumed in a base case. It needs environmental and social documentation calibrated to the standards of the institutions being asked to fund it, not the standards of the jurisdiction hosting it. It needs a legal and commercial structure that allocates risk in ways a commercial lender, not only a development financier, will accept. It needs a sponsor capable of executing what has been proposed, not merely capable of proposing it. 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The African Dimension  Africa makes this dynamic unusually visible, and consequently offers an unusually clear opportunity to correct it. The continent’s infrastructure financing need, by any measure, is vast. Less understood is that the shortfall is disproportionately one of preparation rather than capital. Nigerian gas-to-power, off-grid solar and mini-grid developers have each demonstrated that individual projects can clear the bankability bar; what has not emerged is systemic pipeline scale, a steady stream of comparably prepared projects large enough to absorb the capital already circling the sector. The pattern repeats, with local variation, from grid infrastructure in East Africa to transport corridors in West Africa. Interested capital is rarely the scarce input. Investment-ready projects are. The Global Comparison  Mature markets solved this problem gradually and mostly invisibly, through decades of institution-building that predates the current infrastructure conversation: specialist project finance units inside banks, standardised PPP frameworks, established regulatory playbooks, deep benches of transaction lawyers and engineers who move between deals rather than between one-off assignments. Emerging and frontier markets are not being asked to meet a lower standard. They are being asked to meet the same standard without having built the same machinery, and then being told, when deals fail to close, that the problem is insufficient funding….
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