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2023 Presidential Election: Process and The Result

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By Bolaji O. Akinyemi

At exactly 4:10am, Mahmood Yakubu the Chairman of INEC, the only one empowered by the constitution to declare the results of our presidential election has acted, thus igniting the mood of celebration in Lagos, a state, his pronounced winner lost to Obi during the election. Whether the declaration is constitutional or not, lawyers will tell us.

His proclaimed winner, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, while the results were being collated had adviced those who may not be disposed to the outcome of the result to go to court. It reminded me of an East African proverb which states; “Whenever a thief encourages you to go to court, just know that his elder brother is the judge”.

The worst stealing that can ever happen is that of the people’s mandate, this though not established, because only the court can pronounce a known thief one, even when caught holding the kid goat of his neighbour in a dance at the back of the house. The relationship between the thief and his brother in the court is not the purpose of this article, but will be considered in my next article.

Let me therefore invest myself in the constitutionality of the process to establish its credibility or otherwise as presided over by Mahmood Yakubu, the process Bola Ahmed Tinubu benefitted from, so we can know the extent to which our celebration should be heard among the committee of nations.

A check on the word “election” on Google brought some meanings, 1. a formal and organized choice by VOTE of a person for a political office or other position.

2. the action or the FACT of being elected.

In both meanings, emphasis is on VOTE in one and FACT in the other. Putting premium on the process and not the result.

If applied, our votes must be the basis of the election of Bola Ahmed Tinubu or any other for that matter.

Knowing that fact can be controversial when left to individual presentation, the pillar on which Democracy must be built are also the tenets that must guide its practice, which are rule of law and rights of individual citizens. These pillars were crumbled and the tenets abused in my estimation of the 2023 Presidential election.

While result is the climax of an election, the honour of it is the process. Politicians of course are more interested in the results for self political preservation and the advantage of their party, the process can therefore become the scapegoat to make this happen. For all they care, it can be circumvented or compromised as long as their names are heard as the winners, legitimately or otherwise. Let’s meet in court is their rhetoric, knowing fully well whatever prevailed on the umpire can, with the jury.

Section 65 of the electoral Act 2022, close 38 regulation guideline, states; “the presiding officer MUST transmit result to the INEC viewing portal upon the completion of voting at THE POLLING UNIT”, failure to do this is adjudged by the ACT as an act of criminality which must be punished by fine payment of 500,000 or 6 months in prison, whichever the Jury deemed fit.

International Observers are united in their reports of our election. How do we stand in the eyes of the world? What is the new rating of our “fantastically” corrupt nation by the reason of this election?

European Union, one of the credible international observation group, reported, insufficient planning on the part of INEC, the process was also observed to have been marred by insecurity. Naira shortage which we thought was a disadvantage to APC candidate was actually part of the script of winning, we were all fooled until the morning of election when the President voted and showed his ballot for his party to the camera to convince his teeming illiterate underage cult followers voters of where their votes must go.

Our town hall meetings and 500 naira notes were not just the only thing dyed in blue. The colour of our electoral process was dyed with BVAS and Irev to make it look like what we wanted.

They further observed that abuse of incumbency by various political office holders distorted the playing field. Those guilty of this we need not hire investigators to help us unravel, the cry of abuses from River State was the loudest, if it reaches the ear of God for judgement, the absence of the main actor at the inauguration of the stolen mandate if made to stand by the people will tell.

“The court is the hope of the common man”, but not anymore, its virginity was stripped her, the night the chastity of her judges were raped by DSS on the order of APC led Administration of Muhammadu Buhari. Our blindfolded lady of justice was reduced to a prostitute, the impartiality of the scale in her hands tilted for survival, running promiscuous errands in search of mercy. OnoghenGate foreclosed the hope in our judiciary system when lady justice was thrusted through with her sword.

At 110 ward H polling unit Ifako Ijaye, failure of our presiding officer to upload our results led to insistence. A call made to Area boys settled the matter in favour of those who perfected their art at running away with our mandate on election day. I have the snapped copy of my polling unit result. But where do we get the agent’s copy to present when the presiding officer signed as agent for both LP and APC and there was equally no PDP agent to sign. Now I know what is responsible for his interest at signing for LP, he deliberately robbed us of the opportunity to demand for the copy.

Let me congratulate Baba Ire, an outspoken young man who was brutalised by the area boys for having recorded their violent actions. Along with him is my appreciation to those like me who fought and ran away that we may live to fight this day. To all, whose blood were shed to purchase this victory, rest not in peace until the dream for which you were killed becomes the reality of your left alive relatives.

To those left to the struggle, please, be guided in the call for civil protest, never forget the civility of #EndSARS protesters with our national flags in their hands and National Anthem in their mouth, they were trampled upon at Lekki Toll Gate, there, at Tinubu backyard we lost a nation worth dying in for. The voice of Sanwo-Olu was heard on CNN in promise to bring the killers to justice, the echoes of of it, we now hear far at a distance, running deeper into the abyss of trauma.

Does Sanwo-Olu deserve mercy that we denied Tinubu in Lagos? Wide consultation is needed to sustain the institution in opposition politics that Lagos played so well between 1999 and 2015, we lost the strength of Lagos to the drunkenness of power and its intoxicating consequences since 2015. Should we recover her aiming for opposition or let her be? See you at the Leaders After God’s Own Spirit Inititiating A New State, LAGOSIANS.

As we prepare for court over the presidential election, please be reminded of the principality on which our hope for justice in the Nigeria judiciary system hangs, whatever ariwoola means in Yoruba will be analyzed and applied to our fate in the days ahead.

Dr Bolaji O. Akinyemi is an Apostle and Nation Builder, President, Voice of His Word Ministries and Convener, Apostolic Round Table. He is also the BOT Chairman Project Victory Call Initiative, AKA PVC Naija.

bolajiakinyemi66@gmail.com

   

About author
Time Nigeria is a modern and general interest Magazine with its Headquarters in Abuja. The Magazine has a remarkable difference in editorial philosophy and goals, it adheres strictly to the ethics of Journalism by using the finest ethos of the profession to promote peace among citizens; identifying and harnessing the nation’s vast resources; celebrating achievements of government agencies, individuals, groups and corporate organizations and above all, repositioning Nigeria for the needed growth and development. Time Nigeria gives emphasis to places and issues that have not been given adequate attention by others. The Magazine is national in outlook and is currently being read and patronized both in print and on our vibrant and active online platform (www.timenigeria.com).
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  By Chidi Nwafor  In October 2023, a Gulf sovereign wealth fund quietly closed a $2 billion allocation to global infrastructure, earmarked in part for emerging-market energy and transport assets. The announcement drew the usual applause: another sign, commentators said, that institutional capital was finally waking up to the infrastructure opportunity in the Global South. Eighteen months later, less than a tenth of that allocation had actually left the fund’s balance sheet. Not because the mandate had changed. Not because the fund had lost appetite. According to two people familiar with the portfolio, the constraint was simpler and more uncomfortable: there were not enough investable projects to put the money into. This is not a story about a reluctant investor. It is a story about capital that wants to move, cannot find enough places willing and able to receive it in a form it can underwrite, and quietly waits instead. Multiply that fund by the hundreds of pension schemes, sovereign wealth vehicles, commercial banks and infrastructure funds now carrying dedicated allocations for emerging-market infrastructure, and a pattern emerges that rarely makes it into a headline: the world is not short of capital for infrastructure. It has capital in historic abundance, sitting adjacent to a historic infrastructure gap, unable to cross the distance between the two. The Comfortable Explanation  The explanation on offer at every major infrastructure summit is a familiar one. Global infrastructure investment needs run into the tens of trillions of dollars over the coming decade; committed capital falls well short; therefore, the problem is one of insufficient funding, and the solution is more of it: more pledges, more blended-finance facilities, more climate funds, more multilateral capital increases. It is a comfortable explanation because it assigns responsibility clearly to governments who under-fund, institutions who under-commit, and it offers a clean remedy: raise more. It is also, on close inspection, not what the evidence shows. Pension funds globally hold trillions in assets under management with explicit infrastructure allocations that remain structurally underweight, not because trustees have rejected the asset class but because deal flow meeting their risk and governance thresholds has not materialised at the pace their mandates assume. Sovereign wealth funds report the same pattern. Commercial banks with dedicated project finance desks describe pipelines that look full at the term-sheet stage and thin dramatically by financial close. Development finance institutions, whose entire purpose is to absorb risk that commercial capital will not, routinely report that their binding constraint is not capital adequacy but the volume of bankable transactions their teams can originate and structure in a given year. None of this fits the scarcity narrative. All of it fits a different one. Availability Is Not Deployability  Capital availability and capital deployability are not the same condition, and the conflation of the two is doing real damage to how the world thinks about the infrastructure gap. Availability asks whether money exists somewhere with a mandate that could, in principle, be pointed at infrastructure. Deployability asks something much narrower and much harder: whether a specific project, at a specific moment, has been engineered, structured, documented and de-risked to the point where an investment committee can approve it without exception. The first condition is met, overwhelmingly, across nearly every category of capital that matters to infrastructure. The second is met by only a small fraction of the projects competing for it. The result is a market that looks, from the outside, like a financing gap, and functions, from the inside, like a conversion problem: an abundance of capital on one side, an abundance of infrastructure need on the other, and an underbuilt set of mechanisms in between capable of turning one into the other at any meaningful scale. Where the Conversion Breaks  The break does not happen at the ends of the process. It happens in the middle, in the unglamorous sequence of work that turns a plausible concept into an instrument a fiduciary can sign. A promising transmission project needs a feasibility study rigorous enough to survive institutional scrutiny rather than optimistic enough to attract early interest. It needs offtake arrangements that hold up under real counterparty and currency risk, not the counterparty risk assumed in a base case. It needs environmental and social documentation calibrated to the standards of the institutions being asked to fund it, not the standards of the jurisdiction hosting it. It needs a legal and commercial structure that allocates risk in ways a commercial lender, not only a development financier, will accept. It needs a sponsor capable of executing what has been proposed, not merely capable of proposing it. Each of these is ordinary project finance discipline. None of it is exotic, and in mature infrastructure markets it happens as a matter of course, absorbed into systems built over decades: specialist advisers, standard-form contracts, established procurement norms, deep pools of transaction expertise. What is missing in the markets where the infrastructure gap is largest is not the standard itself but the machinery that meets it. Projects arrive at investment committees with ambition intact and preparation incomplete, and that gap is treated, again and again, as an individual project’s failure rather than what it actually is: a structural absence in the systems responsible for producing investable transactions at scale. 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