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On the Flying of a Flag… Who Can Commit Treason?

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By Wenona Russ

In light of the events that has occurred this week during the protests, the waving of the Russian flag, and people calling it treason, I decided to do some research.
I’ve searched the entire 280-page Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria just to see if I could find out any information regarding the flying of another country’s flag being a treasonable offense.

The only thing the Constitution mentions about a flag is in Section 23. ‘Duties of the Citizen’ “It Shall be the Duty of every citizen to:
Abide by this Constitution, respect it’s ideals and it’s institutions, the National Flag, the National Anthem, the National Pledge and LEGITIMATE authorities…”
Not one person that was waving the Russian flag during protests in the North and subsequently incarcerated at NO TIME desecrated or disrespected the Nigerian flag!

They were merely flying the flag of another country. Just like White Supremacists in the United States drive around the Deep South with the Confederate Flag of the United States- on their trucks, in front of their homes.
A flag that OPENLY represents a civil war that actually took place in America hundreds of years ago.

Now I understand that some government officials get nervous when they smell dissension in the air.

But just like the Civil War, the politicians could have made some quality decisions to ward off dissension and prevent it from ever happening.

When a people are oppressed and their human rights are continuously violated – and their cries are ignored, dissension will happen.

Whether the media writes about your not.
Whether politrixans choose to address issues or not. Whether church leaders dance, shout and speak in tongues on TOP of the issues or not. One thing truly unites Nigerians now….and it’s HUNGER And STRUGGLE.

My heart broke as I learned that Nigerians are eating GRASS and LEAVES!
Children are dying of hunger and haven’t being to school all year.

People are dying for treatable diseases because they cannot afford medical care.
I must admit – there are medical tests that are more expensive here than in America!

I go into the store and some items are much expensive in Abuja stores than in the States. And in the midst of all this inflation AND insecurity, I find it very odd that the only thing that is prioritized is jailing UNARMED innocent peaceful protestors for saying “I AM HUNGRY!” whole waving a Russian flag!

I myself had a Pan African flag on my car in the United States. Yet nobody has never accused anyone of treason for waving a Pan African or Confederate Flag!
I also looked up TREASON in the Nigerian Constitution and I found it a total of SIX times.

All under the section titled MISCONDUCT. And each instance explicitly stated that only those who serve in public office can commit treason!

Nowhere in the Nigerian Constitution did it state that a CITIZEN or AN IMMIGRANT can commit TREASON.

I am learning that Nigerian officials enforce few laws and make up as they go. They literally interpret the law based upon their feelings…with a little religion on the side.

I am not against religion or feelings.
But neither has place within the confines of the law.

In a TRUE Democracy, things are spelled out to the TEE. There is no room for private interpretations and reversal of decisions based upon backroom politrix and greasing of the palms.

In a TRUE DEMOCRACY, the People have rights. Rights protected by international law. And – when it’s operating the way it should – national law.

A treasonable offense would be burning or testing of the Nigerian flag. I saw many protests online and I did not see anyone desecrating a Nigerian flag.

I saw people expressing themselves. Asking for help. I saw prophets prophesying to the land, speaking life where death had been cruelly and heartlessly ordered.

I saw leaders rise up from the ashes and ignite the people go speak up!
I saw women rise to the occasion and cry out for their children and loves ones.
I saw PEACEFUL PROTESTORS who consistently had to ward off violence being thrown to them by the ones that were hired to PROTECT them.

I saw reporters with bulletproof vests and helmets being attacked and their equipment vandalized by thugs that came out of nowhere.

I mean…WHO would NOT want the truth of what is happening out there to be shared with the WORLD?

WHY would thugs care if reporters get the truth out there or not???? But what I did not see were dissenters..Treasoners..
These are just Nigerians that need answers…QUICK.

What they are asking for is not so out of the normal. This is what people in a democracy are SUPPOSED to get!
A VOICE.
A CHOICE.
And they should not walk around in fear as to what will happen if they dare to open their mouth and SORO SOKE. I want to believe the Nigerian government is BETTER than this. I sure know the NIGERIAN PEOPLE ARE!
I’m not sure what kind of democracy is currently being run.
But a democracy operates from LEGITIMATE AUTHORITY. NOT authority where a people is afraid to speak or stand up for themselves.

If this is a democracy, then operate as a TRUE Democracy. Be even BETTER than Western Democracy! Learn the mistakes she made and decide to do better!.

Elite entities don’t run this world. Almighty YAH DOES! POWER BELONGS TO YAH.
Once you STOP operating in FEAR, they NO LONGER control you!
F.E.A.R. –
False
Evidence
APPEARING
Real!
Democracy doesn’t work where fear rules!
A DEMOCRACY…
OF THE PEOPLE
FOR THE PEOPLE
BY THE PEOPLE
🇳🇬🇳🇬🇳🇬🇳🇬🇳🇬🇳🇬🇳🇬

 

   

About author
Time Nigeria is a modern and general interest Magazine with its Headquarters in Abuja. The Magazine has a remarkable difference in editorial philosophy and goals, it adheres strictly to the ethics of Journalism by using the finest ethos of the profession to promote peace among citizens; identifying and harnessing the nation’s vast resources; celebrating achievements of government agencies, individuals, groups and corporate organizations and above all, repositioning Nigeria for the needed growth and development. Time Nigeria gives emphasis to places and issues that have not been given adequate attention by others. The Magazine is national in outlook and is currently being read and patronized both in print and on our vibrant and active online platform (www.timenigeria.com).
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The Missing Middle of Infrastructure Finance: Why Capital Still Fails to Become Infrastructure

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  By Chidi Nwafor  In October 2023, a Gulf sovereign wealth fund quietly closed a $2 billion allocation to global infrastructure, earmarked in part for emerging-market energy and transport assets. The announcement drew the usual applause: another sign, commentators said, that institutional capital was finally waking up to the infrastructure opportunity in the Global South. Eighteen months later, less than a tenth of that allocation had actually left the fund’s balance sheet. Not because the mandate had changed. Not because the fund had lost appetite. According to two people familiar with the portfolio, the constraint was simpler and more uncomfortable: there were not enough investable projects to put the money into. This is not a story about a reluctant investor. It is a story about capital that wants to move, cannot find enough places willing and able to receive it in a form it can underwrite, and quietly waits instead. Multiply that fund by the hundreds of pension schemes, sovereign wealth vehicles, commercial banks and infrastructure funds now carrying dedicated allocations for emerging-market infrastructure, and a pattern emerges that rarely makes it into a headline: the world is not short of capital for infrastructure. It has capital in historic abundance, sitting adjacent to a historic infrastructure gap, unable to cross the distance between the two. The Comfortable Explanation  The explanation on offer at every major infrastructure summit is a familiar one. Global infrastructure investment needs run into the tens of trillions of dollars over the coming decade; committed capital falls well short; therefore, the problem is one of insufficient funding, and the solution is more of it: more pledges, more blended-finance facilities, more climate funds, more multilateral capital increases. It is a comfortable explanation because it assigns responsibility clearly to governments who under-fund, institutions who under-commit, and it offers a clean remedy: raise more. It is also, on close inspection, not what the evidence shows. Pension funds globally hold trillions in assets under management with explicit infrastructure allocations that remain structurally underweight, not because trustees have rejected the asset class but because deal flow meeting their risk and governance thresholds has not materialised at the pace their mandates assume. Sovereign wealth funds report the same pattern. Commercial banks with dedicated project finance desks describe pipelines that look full at the term-sheet stage and thin dramatically by financial close. Development finance institutions, whose entire purpose is to absorb risk that commercial capital will not, routinely report that their binding constraint is not capital adequacy but the volume of bankable transactions their teams can originate and structure in a given year. None of this fits the scarcity narrative. All of it fits a different one. Availability Is Not Deployability  Capital availability and capital deployability are not the same condition, and the conflation of the two is doing real damage to how the world thinks about the infrastructure gap. Availability asks whether money exists somewhere with a mandate that could, in principle, be pointed at infrastructure. Deployability asks something much narrower and much harder: whether a specific project, at a specific moment, has been engineered, structured, documented and de-risked to the point where an investment committee can approve it without exception. The first condition is met, overwhelmingly, across nearly every category of capital that matters to infrastructure. The second is met by only a small fraction of the projects competing for it. The result is a market that looks, from the outside, like a financing gap, and functions, from the inside, like a conversion problem: an abundance of capital on one side, an abundance of infrastructure need on the other, and an underbuilt set of mechanisms in between capable of turning one into the other at any meaningful scale. Where the Conversion Breaks  The break does not happen at the ends of the process. It happens in the middle, in the unglamorous sequence of work that turns a plausible concept into an instrument a fiduciary can sign. A promising transmission project needs a feasibility study rigorous enough to survive institutional scrutiny rather than optimistic enough to attract early interest. It needs offtake arrangements that hold up under real counterparty and currency risk, not the counterparty risk assumed in a base case. It needs environmental and social documentation calibrated to the standards of the institutions being asked to fund it, not the standards of the jurisdiction hosting it. It needs a legal and commercial structure that allocates risk in ways a commercial lender, not only a development financier, will accept. It needs a sponsor capable of executing what has been proposed, not merely capable of proposing it. 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