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Incessant Kidnapping and Robbery Attacks In Kwara, Clues To Solve The Menace

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As the number one security officer in the state with millions of naira allocation coming every month as security vote from the Federal Government to keep safe lives and properties of your citizens, His Excellency, Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq is expected to be more proactive in tackling the menace of insecurity ravaging the state.

By Kayode Abdulazeez

Security of lives and properties is enshrined in the Nigerian constitution as one of the cardinal responsibilities of government at all levels. Federal, State, and Local Governments are granted the power to maintain law and order because of the sensitivity and prices that come with it.

Section 14 (2b) of the 1999 Nigeria Constitution as amended, “states that the security of the citizens shall be the primary purpose of the government. Thus government at all levels owes the people a constitutional duty to protect their lives and properties, irrespective of their ethnic, religious, and political affiliations.”

The above constitutional provision prompted me to call on the Kwara State Government under the leadership of Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq to take decisive action in tackling incessant kidnapping in the southern senatorial district; cultism/armed robbery attacks in the Central; and Kidnapping/Communal clashes in the Northern senatorial district of the state.

All these unrest cases could be averted on many occasion or better still brought to a minimal level by providing adequate security guards for surveillance and on-spot action.

A quick check at recent kidnapping-reported cases in the state shows that urgent attention needs to be taken by the present administration led by Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, the Chairman of the Nigeria Governors Forum, to live up to one of his major constitutional responsibilities:

On January 16, 2024, four members of the Afin Community in Ileire district of Ifelodun LGA were kidnapped including the High Chief in the community.

On February 1, 2024, gunmen invaded the palace of Onikoro of Koro in Ekiti LGA killed the monarch who was a retired Army General, and kidnapped his wife.

On March 11, 2024, gunmen invaded a guest house located along Ilorin/Ogbomoso road in Asa LGA and abducted a Chinese national identified as Williams Zang.

On June 2, 2024, no less than 21 students of Confluence University of Science and Technology (CUSTECH) Osara in Kogi State were rescued in the forest in the Kwara South area by security agencies.

On August 17, 2024, gunmen ambushed a commercial vehicle along Osi-Obbo road in Ekiti LGA and kidnapped 20 passengers.

On September 28, 2024, gunmen invaded Olla community in Isin LGA and abducted Rev S O Adewumi of Olla ECWA Church and Engr Adeyemi.

On September 11, 2024, gunmen invaded Kosubosu town in Baruten LGA and abducted Mr Emeka C. Nwachukwu.

On September 30, 2024, gunmen invaded the Boriya community in Baruten LGA and abducted Adamu Aliyu Galadima.

On September 30, 2024, gunmen invaded the Igbaja community in Ifelodun LGA, abducted three persons, and killed the head of the community security guard (Chief Lukman Balogun).

On October 10, 2024, some unidentified people suspected to be kidnappers were seen around Oreke/Okegbo community in Ifelodun LGA, and one person was later killed around Awere River with another person sustaining gunshot injuries.

Similarly, there is hardly a midnight, in recent times, without a report of an attack on innocent travellers around the Otte/Alaparun Communities in Ilorin/Ogbomoso expressway by armed robbers who would forcefully dispossess travellers along the route of their valuables. This often leads to killings and several people have been victims.

Meanwhile, the cases above are only those officially brought to the attention of the security agencies.

We also have reported and unreported cases of cultism clashes, most especially at the state capital, armed robberies, and ritual killings across the state.

Back to the bone of discussion, it is obvious that the Nigerian Police Force, (NPF), Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), and the Department of Security Services (DSS) that are constitutionally empowered to maintain the internal security of lives and properties are short on manpower to cover our communities not to mention ungoverned areas (deep forest) that perpetrators of this devilish act often hide to carry out their activities.

As the number one security officer in the state with millions of naira allocation coming every month as security vote from the Federal Government to keep safe lives and properties of your citizens, His Excellency, Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq is expected to be more proactive in tackling the menace of insecurity ravaging the state.

Yes, security matter is always ascribed to be sensitive to be discussed publicly, alas, citizens have the right to know and question what their leaders are doing when the matter seems to be going contrary and they think they no longer feel safe.

Kwara State government could have even taken a clue from what a neighboring Oyo state and some other states in the South West are doing in the form of creating job opportunities for teeming youth and middle-aged people by recruiting them as security agents (Amotekun) to support state security agencies in terms of manning of communities and ungoverned areas (forest).

We understand the existing unofficial collaboration between some groups of local vigilantes and the Police force but the argument is that this set of volunteer vigilantes would never be fully committed to the course because they are quite aware that they are only doing voluntary service with no serious recognition from government. No hazard allowance or compensation to their family if anyone died in the course of protecting their fellow citizens.

The worst and most annoying of it is that they are aware that some people are being paid huge amounts from taxpayers’ money to carry out this responsibility or do this job they are doing free of charge.

The state government can collaborate with the local government and recruit certain numbers of people as security guards across the state, giving them a sense of belonging to serve as subordinates to state security agencies.

Meanwhile, We already have a similar example in the Kwara State Traffic Management Agency (KWATMA) established and being paid a salary by the state government.

KWATMA was established despite the existence of a Traffic Warden which happens to be a branch of the Police Force. They were established to serve as support for Traffic Warden in controlling traffic at major junctions in the state.

Although, they are believed to be generating revenue for the government by imposing fines on whoever is caught violating rules and regulations of traffic on the road.

However, a responsive and responsible government should know that the safety of lives and properties should be taken as a priority than revenue to be generated for state government at every point in discussing state matters.

In conclusion, organizing a security summit will do better justice to this matter because it will create an opportunity for the security experts, securities agencies, community leaders, and concerned stakeholders to come up with valid ideas and ways to go about tackling this menace that is fast projecting the peaceful state in red alert.

Kayode Abdulazeez, a Journalist.
Kaybizmind@gmail.com

   

About author
Time Nigeria is a modern and general interest Magazine with its Headquarters in Abuja. The Magazine has a remarkable difference in editorial philosophy and goals, it adheres strictly to the ethics of Journalism by using the finest ethos of the profession to promote peace among citizens; identifying and harnessing the nation’s vast resources; celebrating achievements of government agencies, individuals, groups and corporate organizations and above all, repositioning Nigeria for the needed growth and development. Time Nigeria gives emphasis to places and issues that have not been given adequate attention by others. The Magazine is national in outlook and is currently being read and patronized both in print and on our vibrant and active online platform (www.timenigeria.com).
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The Missing Middle of Infrastructure Finance: Why Capital Still Fails to Become Infrastructure

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  By Chidi Nwafor  In October 2023, a Gulf sovereign wealth fund quietly closed a $2 billion allocation to global infrastructure, earmarked in part for emerging-market energy and transport assets. The announcement drew the usual applause: another sign, commentators said, that institutional capital was finally waking up to the infrastructure opportunity in the Global South. Eighteen months later, less than a tenth of that allocation had actually left the fund’s balance sheet. Not because the mandate had changed. Not because the fund had lost appetite. According to two people familiar with the portfolio, the constraint was simpler and more uncomfortable: there were not enough investable projects to put the money into. This is not a story about a reluctant investor. It is a story about capital that wants to move, cannot find enough places willing and able to receive it in a form it can underwrite, and quietly waits instead. Multiply that fund by the hundreds of pension schemes, sovereign wealth vehicles, commercial banks and infrastructure funds now carrying dedicated allocations for emerging-market infrastructure, and a pattern emerges that rarely makes it into a headline: the world is not short of capital for infrastructure. It has capital in historic abundance, sitting adjacent to a historic infrastructure gap, unable to cross the distance between the two. The Comfortable Explanation  The explanation on offer at every major infrastructure summit is a familiar one. Global infrastructure investment needs run into the tens of trillions of dollars over the coming decade; committed capital falls well short; therefore, the problem is one of insufficient funding, and the solution is more of it: more pledges, more blended-finance facilities, more climate funds, more multilateral capital increases. It is a comfortable explanation because it assigns responsibility clearly to governments who under-fund, institutions who under-commit, and it offers a clean remedy: raise more. It is also, on close inspection, not what the evidence shows. Pension funds globally hold trillions in assets under management with explicit infrastructure allocations that remain structurally underweight, not because trustees have rejected the asset class but because deal flow meeting their risk and governance thresholds has not materialised at the pace their mandates assume. Sovereign wealth funds report the same pattern. Commercial banks with dedicated project finance desks describe pipelines that look full at the term-sheet stage and thin dramatically by financial close. Development finance institutions, whose entire purpose is to absorb risk that commercial capital will not, routinely report that their binding constraint is not capital adequacy but the volume of bankable transactions their teams can originate and structure in a given year. None of this fits the scarcity narrative. All of it fits a different one. Availability Is Not Deployability  Capital availability and capital deployability are not the same condition, and the conflation of the two is doing real damage to how the world thinks about the infrastructure gap. Availability asks whether money exists somewhere with a mandate that could, in principle, be pointed at infrastructure. Deployability asks something much narrower and much harder: whether a specific project, at a specific moment, has been engineered, structured, documented and de-risked to the point where an investment committee can approve it without exception. The first condition is met, overwhelmingly, across nearly every category of capital that matters to infrastructure. The second is met by only a small fraction of the projects competing for it. The result is a market that looks, from the outside, like a financing gap, and functions, from the inside, like a conversion problem: an abundance of capital on one side, an abundance of infrastructure need on the other, and an underbuilt set of mechanisms in between capable of turning one into the other at any meaningful scale. Where the Conversion Breaks  The break does not happen at the ends of the process. It happens in the middle, in the unglamorous sequence of work that turns a plausible concept into an instrument a fiduciary can sign. A promising transmission project needs a feasibility study rigorous enough to survive institutional scrutiny rather than optimistic enough to attract early interest. It needs offtake arrangements that hold up under real counterparty and currency risk, not the counterparty risk assumed in a base case. It needs environmental and social documentation calibrated to the standards of the institutions being asked to fund it, not the standards of the jurisdiction hosting it. It needs a legal and commercial structure that allocates risk in ways a commercial lender, not only a development financier, will accept. It needs a sponsor capable of executing what has been proposed, not merely capable of proposing it. Each of these is ordinary project finance discipline. None of it is exotic, and in mature infrastructure markets it happens as a matter of course, absorbed into systems built over decades: specialist advisers, standard-form contracts, established procurement norms, deep pools of transaction expertise. What is missing in the markets where the infrastructure gap is largest is not the standard itself but the machinery that meets it. Projects arrive at investment committees with ambition intact and preparation incomplete, and that gap is treated, again and again, as an individual project’s failure rather than what it actually is: a structural absence in the systems responsible for producing investable transactions at scale. 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It consists of project preparation facilities able to fund feasibility and structuring work before commercial viability has been proven. Transaction advisers capable of building deals that satisfy development mandates and commercial return thresholds at once, rather than treating the two as separate constituencies to be managed sequentially. Risk-sharing and guarantee instruments that convert political, regulatory and currency risk into something a commercial balance sheet can underwrite. Aggregation platforms that bundle smaller, individually sub-scale projects into portfolios large enough to justify institutional transaction costs. Standardised documentation that reduces the bespoke legal cost of every new deal. And coordination across ministries, regulators and financiers robust enough that a technically sound project does not die in bureaucratic sequencing after the money has already been found. None of these are new ideas in isolation. What is missing is their assembly into a coherent system, deliberately funded and institutionally accountable, rather than scattered across donor-funded pilots that end when the grant does. The African Dimension  Africa makes this dynamic unusually visible, and consequently offers an unusually clear opportunity to correct it. The continent’s infrastructure financing need, by any measure, is vast. Less understood is that the shortfall is disproportionately one of preparation rather than capital. Nigerian gas-to-power, off-grid solar and mini-grid developers have each demonstrated that individual projects can clear the bankability bar; what has not emerged is systemic pipeline scale, a steady stream of comparably prepared projects large enough to absorb the capital already circling the sector. The pattern repeats, with local variation, from grid infrastructure in East Africa to transport corridors in West Africa. Interested capital is rarely the scarce input. Investment-ready projects are. 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