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A House in Disarray: How the Nigerian Senate is Losing Focus Amidst National Crisis

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By Abdulrahman Aliagan, Abuja

In the grand chambers of Nigeria’s Senate, where history is made and the fate of millions is shaped, a battle rages—not against the country’s crumbling economy, deepening insecurity, or growing social unrest, but against a single senator. The six-month suspension of Kogi Central’s Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan has sparked an internal crisis, revealing cracks in a legislative body that appears to be drifting further from its primary responsibilities.

While bandits terrorize villages, inflation chokes the average Nigerian, and youth unemployment reaches alarming levels, the Senate has been engrossed in what now seems like a personal vendetta. The controversy over Akpoti-Uduaghan’s suspension has exposed procedural irregularities, allegations of political intimidation, and a troubling shift away from the real issues affecting Nigerians.

The drama began on March 6, when the Senate, acting on the recommendations of its Committee on Ethics, Privileges, and Public Petitions, suspended Akpoti-Uduaghan for alleged misconduct during a plenary session. The punishment was severe—six months of exclusion, withdrawal of security aides, closure of her office, and a ban on representing herself as a senator. But as details of the report emerged, so did allegations of foul play.

Several senators, whose signatures were attached to the report, claimed they had never endorsed it. According to them, they had merely signed an attendance register, not a resolution. In a shocking revelation, some lawmakers distanced themselves from the committee’s findings, arguing that they had not been given the opportunity to review the final report before it was presented on the Senate floor.

The disagreement over whether attendance equates to endorsement exposed the chaotic decision-making process in the Senate. But beyond the procedural controversy lies a much bigger issue—the complete detachment of Nigeria’s legislative body from the pressing challenges confronting the nation.

While senators argued over seating arrangements and signatures, Nigerians struggled with skyrocketing food prices, worsening insecurity, and a healthcare system on the brink of collapse. Instead of debating policies to curb economic hardship, the Senate invested valuable time and energy into internal power struggles.

Considering the insecurity, across Nigeria, reports of kidnappings, banditry, and insurgency have become daily headlines. From the North to the South, families live in fear as terrorists and criminal gangs operate with impunity. Instead of tackling this crisis with urgent legislative action, the Senate was busy suspending one of its own.

Also, economic Hardship, Inflation has pushed the cost of living to unbearable heights, yet there have been no serious debates on economic relief measures, job creation strategies, or policies to strengthen local industries.

Without any doubt, education and healthcare sectors have been neglected, Nigerian universities remain underfunded, and doctors are leaving the country in droves due to poor wages and working conditions. Where is the Senate’s conversation on reversing the brain drain? Where are the policies to improve access to quality education?

Instead of championing these issues, lawmakers spent weeks embroiled in a controversy that should never have escalated to this level.

Akpoti-Uduaghan’s suspension is not an isolated event. The Nigerian Senate has developed a habit of prioritizing political theatrics over governance. From budget-padding scandals to unnecessary foreign trips, the Senate seems more preoccupied with self-serving matters than with addressing the crises that threaten the country’s stability.

For many Nigerians, this latest scandal is just another example of how disconnected their leaders have become. When a senator is penalized for alleged seating arrangement violations, but terrorists roam freely, it becomes clear that the priorities of the legislature do not align with the realities of ordinary citizens.

The Senate has a choice: continue down this path of internal squabbles and political distractions or refocus on the issues that truly matter. The Nigerian people are watching. Every day wasted on power struggles is another day of suffering for millions.

If the Senate truly wants to restore its credibility, it must rise above personal disputes and tackle the real problems—security, economic hardship, education, and healthcare. Otherwise, history will remember this assembly not as a body of lawmakers but as a theater of misplaced priorities.

In the end, Nigerians are not asking for much—just a Senate that remembers why it exists in the first place.

   

About author
Time Nigeria is a modern and general interest Magazine with its Headquarters in Abuja. The Magazine has a remarkable difference in editorial philosophy and goals, it adheres strictly to the ethics of Journalism by using the finest ethos of the profession to promote peace among citizens; identifying and harnessing the nation’s vast resources; celebrating achievements of government agencies, individuals, groups and corporate organizations and above all, repositioning Nigeria for the needed growth and development. Time Nigeria gives emphasis to places and issues that have not been given adequate attention by others. The Magazine is national in outlook and is currently being read and patronized both in print and on our vibrant and active online platform (www.timenigeria.com).
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The Missing Middle of Infrastructure Finance: Why Capital Still Fails to Become Infrastructure

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  By Chidi Nwafor  In October 2023, a Gulf sovereign wealth fund quietly closed a $2 billion allocation to global infrastructure, earmarked in part for emerging-market energy and transport assets. The announcement drew the usual applause: another sign, commentators said, that institutional capital was finally waking up to the infrastructure opportunity in the Global South. Eighteen months later, less than a tenth of that allocation had actually left the fund’s balance sheet. Not because the mandate had changed. Not because the fund had lost appetite. According to two people familiar with the portfolio, the constraint was simpler and more uncomfortable: there were not enough investable projects to put the money into. This is not a story about a reluctant investor. It is a story about capital that wants to move, cannot find enough places willing and able to receive it in a form it can underwrite, and quietly waits instead. Multiply that fund by the hundreds of pension schemes, sovereign wealth vehicles, commercial banks and infrastructure funds now carrying dedicated allocations for emerging-market infrastructure, and a pattern emerges that rarely makes it into a headline: the world is not short of capital for infrastructure. It has capital in historic abundance, sitting adjacent to a historic infrastructure gap, unable to cross the distance between the two. The Comfortable Explanation  The explanation on offer at every major infrastructure summit is a familiar one. Global infrastructure investment needs run into the tens of trillions of dollars over the coming decade; committed capital falls well short; therefore, the problem is one of insufficient funding, and the solution is more of it: more pledges, more blended-finance facilities, more climate funds, more multilateral capital increases. It is a comfortable explanation because it assigns responsibility clearly to governments who under-fund, institutions who under-commit, and it offers a clean remedy: raise more. It is also, on close inspection, not what the evidence shows. Pension funds globally hold trillions in assets under management with explicit infrastructure allocations that remain structurally underweight, not because trustees have rejected the asset class but because deal flow meeting their risk and governance thresholds has not materialised at the pace their mandates assume. Sovereign wealth funds report the same pattern. Commercial banks with dedicated project finance desks describe pipelines that look full at the term-sheet stage and thin dramatically by financial close. Development finance institutions, whose entire purpose is to absorb risk that commercial capital will not, routinely report that their binding constraint is not capital adequacy but the volume of bankable transactions their teams can originate and structure in a given year. None of this fits the scarcity narrative. All of it fits a different one. Availability Is Not Deployability  Capital availability and capital deployability are not the same condition, and the conflation of the two is doing real damage to how the world thinks about the infrastructure gap. Availability asks whether money exists somewhere with a mandate that could, in principle, be pointed at infrastructure. Deployability asks something much narrower and much harder: whether a specific project, at a specific moment, has been engineered, structured, documented and de-risked to the point where an investment committee can approve it without exception. The first condition is met, overwhelmingly, across nearly every category of capital that matters to infrastructure. The second is met by only a small fraction of the projects competing for it. The result is a market that looks, from the outside, like a financing gap, and functions, from the inside, like a conversion problem: an abundance of capital on one side, an abundance of infrastructure need on the other, and an underbuilt set of mechanisms in between capable of turning one into the other at any meaningful scale. Where the Conversion Breaks  The break does not happen at the ends of the process. It happens in the middle, in the unglamorous sequence of work that turns a plausible concept into an instrument a fiduciary can sign. A promising transmission project needs a feasibility study rigorous enough to survive institutional scrutiny rather than optimistic enough to attract early interest. It needs offtake arrangements that hold up under real counterparty and currency risk, not the counterparty risk assumed in a base case. It needs environmental and social documentation calibrated to the standards of the institutions being asked to fund it, not the standards of the jurisdiction hosting it. It needs a legal and commercial structure that allocates risk in ways a commercial lender, not only a development financier, will accept. It needs a sponsor capable of executing what has been proposed, not merely capable of proposing it. Each of these is ordinary project finance discipline. None of it is exotic, and in mature infrastructure markets it happens as a matter of course, absorbed into systems built over decades: specialist advisers, standard-form contracts, established procurement norms, deep pools of transaction expertise. What is missing in the markets where the infrastructure gap is largest is not the standard itself but the machinery that meets it. Projects arrive at investment committees with ambition intact and preparation incomplete, and that gap is treated, again and again, as an individual project’s failure rather than what it actually is: a structural absence in the systems responsible for producing investable transactions at scale. The Missing Middle  This is the Missing Middle of Infrastructure Finance: the institutional architecture that sits between capital that wants to move and infrastructure that needs building, and whose incompleteness explains far more of the global infrastructure gap than any shortfall in committed funds. 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The Global Comparison  Mature markets solved this problem gradually and mostly invisibly, through decades of institution-building that predates the current infrastructure conversation: specialist project finance units inside banks, standardised PPP frameworks, established regulatory playbooks, deep benches of transaction lawyers and engineers who move between deals rather than between one-off assignments. Emerging and frontier markets are not being asked to meet a lower standard. They are being asked to meet the same standard without having built the same machinery, and then being told, when deals fail to close, that the problem is insufficient funding….
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