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ARRA Slams U.S. Over Third-Country Deportations: ‘A Threat to Human Rights and African Sovereignty’

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The Asylum and Refugee Rights Advocacy Foundation, also known as the Asylum And Refugee Rights Advocates (ARRA), has raised concerns over what it describes as a deeply troubling trend in U.S. immigration policy: the deportation of migrants not to their home countries but to third nations, including Ghana and other African states.

In a press statement issued on Sunday, September 21, 2025, and signed by its Founder and Executive Director, Dr. Okey James Ezugwu, Esq., a Legal Practitioner and Assistant Comptroller General of Immigration Service (retired), ARRA declared that the practice violates international law, undermines the sovereignty of receiving states, and places deported individuals at grave risk.

Citing a recent incident, ARRA revealed that earlier this month, a U.S. deportation flight arrived in Accra carrying 14 migrants who were not Ghanaian nationals. “Some of these individuals allegedly entered the United States irregularly, with reports indicating that several had pending protection or asylum claims. Unfortunately, this is no longer an isolated incident,” the statement noted.

According to the advocacy group, similar deportations have been documented to South Sudan, Eswatini, Uganda, Rwanda, Djibouti, Panama, Costa Rica, and El Salvador. While the United States insists the removals are lawful, ARRA stressed that “international law and long-standing human rights norms raise serious concerns.”

Central to ARRA’s objections is the principle of non-refoulement, enshrined in the 1951 Refugee Convention, which prohibits sending individuals to places where they risk persecution, ill-treatment, or serious harm. “Deporting individuals to countries with which they have no familial, cultural, or legal ties—often on little more than 24 hours’ notice and without proper opportunity to pursue asylum—undermines this fundamental principle,” ARRA warned.

The group also condemned reports of abusive shackling, poor treatment during transport, inadequate screening and legal safeguards before removal, and the inability of receiving countries to properly integrate deportees. “Accepting deportees without clear legal basis risks creating the perception of complicity in policies that treat vulnerable human beings as burdens rather than rights-holders,” the statement cautioned.

Dr. Ezugwu underscored that the practice strains the already limited resources of African states and raises difficult questions from citizens. “Why must scarce national funds be directed toward accommodating non-nationals abruptly redirected to them by a foreign power?” he asked.

ARRA further warned that the policy sets “a dangerous precedent on a regional level—that responsibility for migrants and asylum seekers can be outsourced by powerful countries, with little or no accountability.” Such practices, the group argued, weaken the sovereignty of nation states and undermine regional solidarity on migration governance.

The statement also highlighted the human cost, stressing that once migrants are removed from the United States, their access to legal recourse is “virtually extinguished.” In many receiving nations with fragile or underfunded asylum systems, deportees are left with “few options for protection” and face heightened vulnerability to exploitation, trafficking, and irregular survival strategies.

Turning to solutions, ARRA urged the United States to suspend third-country deportations immediately “until robust safeguards, transparency, and accountability mechanisms are established in full compliance with international human rights and refugee law.” The group also called on Ghana and other targeted countries to exercise due diligence before entering into such arrangements, and appealed to the United Nations, African Union, and regional blocs to convene urgent discussions toward a framework that protects the dignity and rights of deportees.

“The sovereignty of nation states should not be bartered away under unequal arrangements, nor should vulnerable people be treated as disposable,” Dr. Ezugwu declared. “At its heart, this issue is not only about migration; it is about sovereignty, justice, and humanity.”

In closing, ARRA posed a series of pressing questions: “Who bears ultimate responsibility for the well-being of deported migrants when powerful states relinquish that duty? What is the long-term cost to receiving nations when they accept such arrangements—sometimes at the expense of their sovereignty and stability? Do receiving states truly have a choice, or is consent shaped by political and economic pressure?”

Reaffirming its mission, ARRA pledged: “We stand firmly with displaced persons, with nation states seeking to protect their sovereignty, and with international partners working toward fair and humane migration systems.”

The statement positions ARRA as one of the leading voices challenging what it calls a dangerous erosion of human rights norms and state sovereignty in the global management of migration.

   

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The Missing Middle of Infrastructure Finance: Why Capital Still Fails to Become Infrastructure

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  By Chidi Nwafor  In October 2023, a Gulf sovereign wealth fund quietly closed a $2 billion allocation to global infrastructure, earmarked in part for emerging-market energy and transport assets. The announcement drew the usual applause: another sign, commentators said, that institutional capital was finally waking up to the infrastructure opportunity in the Global South. Eighteen months later, less than a tenth of that allocation had actually left the fund’s balance sheet. Not because the mandate had changed. Not because the fund had lost appetite. According to two people familiar with the portfolio, the constraint was simpler and more uncomfortable: there were not enough investable projects to put the money into. This is not a story about a reluctant investor. It is a story about capital that wants to move, cannot find enough places willing and able to receive it in a form it can underwrite, and quietly waits instead. Multiply that fund by the hundreds of pension schemes, sovereign wealth vehicles, commercial banks and infrastructure funds now carrying dedicated allocations for emerging-market infrastructure, and a pattern emerges that rarely makes it into a headline: the world is not short of capital for infrastructure. It has capital in historic abundance, sitting adjacent to a historic infrastructure gap, unable to cross the distance between the two. The Comfortable Explanation  The explanation on offer at every major infrastructure summit is a familiar one. Global infrastructure investment needs run into the tens of trillions of dollars over the coming decade; committed capital falls well short; therefore, the problem is one of insufficient funding, and the solution is more of it: more pledges, more blended-finance facilities, more climate funds, more multilateral capital increases. It is a comfortable explanation because it assigns responsibility clearly to governments who under-fund, institutions who under-commit, and it offers a clean remedy: raise more. It is also, on close inspection, not what the evidence shows. Pension funds globally hold trillions in assets under management with explicit infrastructure allocations that remain structurally underweight, not because trustees have rejected the asset class but because deal flow meeting their risk and governance thresholds has not materialised at the pace their mandates assume. Sovereign wealth funds report the same pattern. Commercial banks with dedicated project finance desks describe pipelines that look full at the term-sheet stage and thin dramatically by financial close. Development finance institutions, whose entire purpose is to absorb risk that commercial capital will not, routinely report that their binding constraint is not capital adequacy but the volume of bankable transactions their teams can originate and structure in a given year. None of this fits the scarcity narrative. All of it fits a different one. Availability Is Not Deployability  Capital availability and capital deployability are not the same condition, and the conflation of the two is doing real damage to how the world thinks about the infrastructure gap. Availability asks whether money exists somewhere with a mandate that could, in principle, be pointed at infrastructure. Deployability asks something much narrower and much harder: whether a specific project, at a specific moment, has been engineered, structured, documented and de-risked to the point where an investment committee can approve it without exception. The first condition is met, overwhelmingly, across nearly every category of capital that matters to infrastructure. The second is met by only a small fraction of the projects competing for it. The result is a market that looks, from the outside, like a financing gap, and functions, from the inside, like a conversion problem: an abundance of capital on one side, an abundance of infrastructure need on the other, and an underbuilt set of mechanisms in between capable of turning one into the other at any meaningful scale. Where the Conversion Breaks  The break does not happen at the ends of the process. It happens in the middle, in the unglamorous sequence of work that turns a plausible concept into an instrument a fiduciary can sign. A promising transmission project needs a feasibility study rigorous enough to survive institutional scrutiny rather than optimistic enough to attract early interest. It needs offtake arrangements that hold up under real counterparty and currency risk, not the counterparty risk assumed in a base case. It needs environmental and social documentation calibrated to the standards of the institutions being asked to fund it, not the standards of the jurisdiction hosting it. It needs a legal and commercial structure that allocates risk in ways a commercial lender, not only a development financier, will accept. It needs a sponsor capable of executing what has been proposed, not merely capable of proposing it. Each of these is ordinary project finance discipline. None of it is exotic, and in mature infrastructure markets it happens as a matter of course, absorbed into systems built over decades: specialist advisers, standard-form contracts, established procurement norms, deep pools of transaction expertise. What is missing in the markets where the infrastructure gap is largest is not the standard itself but the machinery that meets it. Projects arrive at investment committees with ambition intact and preparation incomplete, and that gap is treated, again and again, as an individual project’s failure rather than what it actually is: a structural absence in the systems responsible for producing investable transactions at scale. The Missing Middle  This is the Missing Middle of Infrastructure Finance: the institutional architecture that sits between capital that wants to move and infrastructure that needs building, and whose incompleteness explains far more of the global infrastructure gap than any shortfall in committed funds. It consists of project preparation facilities able to fund feasibility and structuring work before commercial viability has been proven. Transaction advisers capable of building deals that satisfy development mandates and commercial return thresholds at once, rather than treating the two as separate constituencies to be managed sequentially. Risk-sharing and guarantee instruments that convert political, regulatory and currency risk into something a commercial balance sheet can underwrite. Aggregation platforms that bundle smaller, individually sub-scale projects into portfolios large enough to justify institutional transaction costs. Standardised documentation that reduces the bespoke legal cost of every new deal. And coordination across ministries, regulators and financiers robust enough that a technically sound project does not die in bureaucratic sequencing after the money has already been found. None of these are new ideas in isolation. What is missing is their assembly into a coherent system, deliberately funded and institutionally accountable, rather than scattered across donor-funded pilots that end when the grant does. The African Dimension  Africa makes this dynamic unusually visible, and consequently offers an unusually clear opportunity to correct it. The continent’s infrastructure financing need, by any measure, is vast. Less understood is that the shortfall is disproportionately one of preparation rather than capital. Nigerian gas-to-power, off-grid solar and mini-grid developers have each demonstrated that individual projects can clear the bankability bar; what has not emerged is systemic pipeline scale, a steady stream of comparably prepared projects large enough to absorb the capital already circling the sector. The pattern repeats, with local variation, from grid infrastructure in East Africa to transport corridors in West Africa. Interested capital is rarely the scarce input. Investment-ready projects are. The Global Comparison  Mature markets solved this problem gradually and mostly invisibly, through decades of institution-building that predates the current infrastructure conversation: specialist project finance units inside banks, standardised PPP frameworks, established regulatory playbooks, deep benches of transaction lawyers and engineers who move between deals rather than between one-off assignments. Emerging and frontier markets are not being asked to meet a lower standard. They are being asked to meet the same standard without having built the same machinery, and then being told, when deals fail to close, that the problem is insufficient funding….
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Union Bank, AIICO Multishield, Checkers Custard, Others Back 5th Cycling Lagos

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