Cover StoryOpinionPerspectivePolitics

In Search of FOI that Barks and Bites

6 Mins read

 

By Taiwo Adisa 

On September 11, 2025, an Ondo State High Court presided over by Justice T.M. Adedipe gave a landmark ruling in respect of a request on the Freedom of Information (FOI) Act. The justice, who ruled on the applications brought before him by an Akure-based legal practitioner, Mr. Femi Emannuel Emadamori, ordered the commissioner of Finance in the state to release certified true copies of the disbursements from the Joint State and Local Government Account, which warehouses the councils’ share of the Federation Accounts Allocation Committee (FAAC).

Though Emadamori is yet to conclusively get to the end of his mission on the subject matter, it is interesting that a court of competent jurisdiction is stepping in to help fix the jigsaw around the Need To Know issues in democratic governance.

Since the return of democratic rule, actors in government and many citizens alike have painted things as if a mystery surrounds government’s actions and inactions and that there are many things the government sees sitting down that the citizens cannot see, even when they climb an Iroko tree.

I believe that such thinking informed the decision of the Ondo State government to file a suit on June 4, 2018, in which it challenged the ruling of a Court of Appeal, which affirmed the application of the FOI Act in all the 36 states of the federation. Speaker of Ondo State House of Assembly and the Auditor-General that year filed a notice of appeal to the Supreme Court, declaring that the Akure Division of the Court of Appeal erred by ruling in March of the same year that the Freedom of Information Act was applicable in all 36 states of the country.

Counsels to Ondo State government had argued then that “The term information or freedom of information is neither in the executive legislative list nor the concurrent legislative list of the second schedule to the Constitution,” and that: “The power of the Federal Government to make law only extends to matters or items listed in the executive legislative list or the concurrent legislative list.”

Realising that the battles ahead against the spirit and soul of the FOI Act could be fierce and relentless, stakeholders in July this year put together a workshop to dissect the possible arrows against the implementation of the 2011 Act and the possible ways out of the conundrum.

But why should the FOI Act be of importance right now?

The question is Germain, and the answer also sits right at the centre of the practice and workability of democracy in this clime. There is no doubting the fact that democratic practice is becoming more problematic than we envisaged in those heady days of anti-military rule protests. Democracy is believed to be the government of the people, which will cater to the needs of the people and guarantee that their voices count in the ears of the government. As things stand, especially after 25 years of unbroken democratic rule in Nigeria, the disillusionment is clearly written. The last general election showcased a drop in the number of electorates who turned up for elections. It was said that voter turnout over the years has dropped by as much as 26 per cent. In Nigeria’s last general election, less than 23 million citizens determined the winners and losers of the nation’s presidency, in a country of 260 million.

The elders say that words you didn’t hear can’t cause you pain. But if the people must be encouraged to get involved in the affairs of their country and the states, information about government activities must be readily available to them. The people must be in a position to have the facts and figures they need to interpret the rate of service delivery at every level, which is the role the FOI Act is set out to play.

Thankfully, stakeholders are not sleeping on this important issue, and last July, members of the civil society, the media, academia, and public service gathered in Abuja to deliberate on the identifiable impediments to the implementation of the Freedom of Information (FOI). The gathering which was at the instance of the International Press Centre (IPC), Lagos, in collaboration with the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC), the Centre for Media and Society (CEMESO), and YIAGA Africa, as part of the European Union Support to Democratic Governance in Nigeria, Phase II (EU-SDGN II), unveiled some landmark resolutions, which could provide the much-needed assistance to the nation’s democratic process.

Mr. Lanre Arogundade of the IPC had opened the meeting with a declaration that it was somewhat odd that Nigerians are still debating the implementation of the FOI 14 years after, adding that freedom of information is sacrosanct because it is the oxygen of democratic rights. He highlighted the need to revisit the regime of sanctions contained in the Act and welcomed the push by two members of the House of Representatives to propose varying amendments.

The communique released at the end of the three-day event called for urgent steps to be taken to address the gaps recognised in the implementation process of the FOI. Some of the gaps include the criminalisation of all offences under the law and the failure to give room to mediation by the office of the Attorney General of the Federation or that of the states.

Dr. Akin Akingbulu of CEMESO, who spoke at the meeting, related an experience thus: “This is an email from a stakeholder: I’m reaching out because my team is working on a project that involves Nigeria, and we are looking for some support with FOI work. Specifically, our reporter in Nigeria is prepared to file a FOI request with the National Communications Commission; last time we filed a request with that agency, they did not acknowledge it, and we unfortunately missed the appeals window….” He raised what he called some burning questions about the application of FOI. The questions include: Why are so many Ministries, Departments, and Agencies silent when FOI requests arrive? Why has no public institution been sanctioned for violating the law? Why are citizens still forced to go to court for basic budgetary or project information? Why do some state governments still behave as though the FOI Act does not apply to them—even after the Supreme Court has ruled otherwise?

He advised that the gathering must ensure that the ongoing amendment process of the Act at the National Assembly does not turn out to make the law a weaker instrument of democratic growth. “We cannot afford to create a regime that criminalises requesters or empowers gatekeepers with discretionary vetoes. Instead, we must strengthen the enabling environment for compliance, provide clarity on sanctions for defaulting institutions,” he said.

Edeatan Ojo of the Media Rights Agenda, who spoke on the gaps in FOI implementation, said that though the law in its present state is regarded as relatively good, it still contains some manifest weaknesses. He said that the law had received global attention with no fewer than 140 countries operating the law in one form or the other. He said the Global Right to Information (RTI) Rating platform, which analyses the quality of the world’s access to information laws, ranked the Nigerian law as 64, with a score of 88 points out of a maximum possible score of 150, adding that the ingredients that make up the score include the strength of national legal frameworks, the methodology and the best practices at the national level. Incidentally, the Nigerian law ranks below some of the countries in Africa, as Ojo submitted that some of the countries, even in West Africa, rank among the top 10 in the global rating. The FOI law of the Gambia, 2021, with 128 points, was rated number six in the global rating, while the Liberian Freedom of Information Act, 2010, was listed as No. 10 with a score of 123 points, he said. Other countries with better ratings than Nigeria include Sierra Leone at No. 11, South Sudan at No. 12, Tunisia at No. 15, South Africa occupying No. 16, and Namibia, which occupies number 17 in the global rating. This submission completely indicates that the Nigerian situation demands reforms that are not only urgent but imperative.

Ojo said of the Nigerian situation: “Our major undoing is the fact that we do not have an independent administrative appeals mechanism or administrative sanctions. The Law also does not place responsibility on any institution or body to promote the Act to ensure public awareness.”

Interestingly, the communique released after the Abuja session acknowledged the need for the establishment of “a robust administrative sanctions framework,” aside from the need for budgetary empowerment for Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) at the state and federal levels to aid training of officers and implementation procedures of the Act.

As we continue to periscope the way forward for democratic practice in Nigeria and Africa, strengthening the FOI Act and its implementation with every energy at our disposal will aid that search most positively.

   

About author
Time Nigeria is a modern and general interest Magazine with its Headquarters in Abuja. The Magazine has a remarkable difference in editorial philosophy and goals, it adheres strictly to the ethics of Journalism by using the finest ethos of the profession to promote peace among citizens; identifying and harnessing the nation’s vast resources; celebrating achievements of government agencies, individuals, groups and corporate organizations and above all, repositioning Nigeria for the needed growth and development. Time Nigeria gives emphasis to places and issues that have not been given adequate attention by others. The Magazine is national in outlook and is currently being read and patronized both in print and on our vibrant and active online platform (www.timenigeria.com).
Articles
Related posts
All The NewsCover StoryNewsPolitics

Musa Tsoken Congratulates Kalu on Daily Times’ Lawmaker of the Year Award

1 Mins read
The National Coordinator of the Asiwaju Again Renewed Hope Support Initiative 2027 and National President of the APC Initiative for Good Governance…
Abuja FileDevelopmentEconomyEnergyFinanceInside LagosOpinionPerspective

The Missing Middle of Infrastructure Finance: Why Capital Still Fails to Become Infrastructure

6 Mins read
  By Chidi Nwafor  In October 2023, a Gulf sovereign wealth fund quietly closed a $2 billion allocation to global infrastructure, earmarked in part for emerging-market energy and transport assets. The announcement drew the usual applause: another sign, commentators said, that institutional capital was finally waking up to the infrastructure opportunity in the Global South. Eighteen months later, less than a tenth of that allocation had actually left the fund’s balance sheet. Not because the mandate had changed. Not because the fund had lost appetite. According to two people familiar with the portfolio, the constraint was simpler and more uncomfortable: there were not enough investable projects to put the money into. This is not a story about a reluctant investor. It is a story about capital that wants to move, cannot find enough places willing and able to receive it in a form it can underwrite, and quietly waits instead. Multiply that fund by the hundreds of pension schemes, sovereign wealth vehicles, commercial banks and infrastructure funds now carrying dedicated allocations for emerging-market infrastructure, and a pattern emerges that rarely makes it into a headline: the world is not short of capital for infrastructure. It has capital in historic abundance, sitting adjacent to a historic infrastructure gap, unable to cross the distance between the two. The Comfortable Explanation  The explanation on offer at every major infrastructure summit is a familiar one. Global infrastructure investment needs run into the tens of trillions of dollars over the coming decade; committed capital falls well short; therefore, the problem is one of insufficient funding, and the solution is more of it: more pledges, more blended-finance facilities, more climate funds, more multilateral capital increases. It is a comfortable explanation because it assigns responsibility clearly to governments who under-fund, institutions who under-commit, and it offers a clean remedy: raise more. It is also, on close inspection, not what the evidence shows. Pension funds globally hold trillions in assets under management with explicit infrastructure allocations that remain structurally underweight, not because trustees have rejected the asset class but because deal flow meeting their risk and governance thresholds has not materialised at the pace their mandates assume. Sovereign wealth funds report the same pattern. Commercial banks with dedicated project finance desks describe pipelines that look full at the term-sheet stage and thin dramatically by financial close. Development finance institutions, whose entire purpose is to absorb risk that commercial capital will not, routinely report that their binding constraint is not capital adequacy but the volume of bankable transactions their teams can originate and structure in a given year. None of this fits the scarcity narrative. All of it fits a different one. Availability Is Not Deployability  Capital availability and capital deployability are not the same condition, and the conflation of the two is doing real damage to how the world thinks about the infrastructure gap. Availability asks whether money exists somewhere with a mandate that could, in principle, be pointed at infrastructure. Deployability asks something much narrower and much harder: whether a specific project, at a specific moment, has been engineered, structured, documented and de-risked to the point where an investment committee can approve it without exception. The first condition is met, overwhelmingly, across nearly every category of capital that matters to infrastructure. The second is met by only a small fraction of the projects competing for it. The result is a market that looks, from the outside, like a financing gap, and functions, from the inside, like a conversion problem: an abundance of capital on one side, an abundance of infrastructure need on the other, and an underbuilt set of mechanisms in between capable of turning one into the other at any meaningful scale. Where the Conversion Breaks  The break does not happen at the ends of the process. It happens in the middle, in the unglamorous sequence of work that turns a plausible concept into an instrument a fiduciary can sign. A promising transmission project needs a feasibility study rigorous enough to survive institutional scrutiny rather than optimistic enough to attract early interest. It needs offtake arrangements that hold up under real counterparty and currency risk, not the counterparty risk assumed in a base case. It needs environmental and social documentation calibrated to the standards of the institutions being asked to fund it, not the standards of the jurisdiction hosting it. It needs a legal and commercial structure that allocates risk in ways a commercial lender, not only a development financier, will accept. It needs a sponsor capable of executing what has been proposed, not merely capable of proposing it. Each of these is ordinary project finance discipline. None of it is exotic, and in mature infrastructure markets it happens as a matter of course, absorbed into systems built over decades: specialist advisers, standard-form contracts, established procurement norms, deep pools of transaction expertise. What is missing in the markets where the infrastructure gap is largest is not the standard itself but the machinery that meets it. Projects arrive at investment committees with ambition intact and preparation incomplete, and that gap is treated, again and again, as an individual project’s failure rather than what it actually is: a structural absence in the systems responsible for producing investable transactions at scale. The Missing Middle  This is the Missing Middle of Infrastructure Finance: the institutional architecture that sits between capital that wants to move and infrastructure that needs building, and whose incompleteness explains far more of the global infrastructure gap than any shortfall in committed funds. It consists of project preparation facilities able to fund feasibility and structuring work before commercial viability has been proven. Transaction advisers capable of building deals that satisfy development mandates and commercial return thresholds at once, rather than treating the two as separate constituencies to be managed sequentially. Risk-sharing and guarantee instruments that convert political, regulatory and currency risk into something a commercial balance sheet can underwrite. Aggregation platforms that bundle smaller, individually sub-scale projects into portfolios large enough to justify institutional transaction costs. Standardised documentation that reduces the bespoke legal cost of every new deal. And coordination across ministries, regulators and financiers robust enough that a technically sound project does not die in bureaucratic sequencing after the money has already been found. None of these are new ideas in isolation. What is missing is their assembly into a coherent system, deliberately funded and institutionally accountable, rather than scattered across donor-funded pilots that end when the grant does. The African Dimension  Africa makes this dynamic unusually visible, and consequently offers an unusually clear opportunity to correct it. The continent’s infrastructure financing need, by any measure, is vast. Less understood is that the shortfall is disproportionately one of preparation rather than capital. Nigerian gas-to-power, off-grid solar and mini-grid developers have each demonstrated that individual projects can clear the bankability bar; what has not emerged is systemic pipeline scale, a steady stream of comparably prepared projects large enough to absorb the capital already circling the sector. The pattern repeats, with local variation, from grid infrastructure in East Africa to transport corridors in West Africa. Interested capital is rarely the scarce input. Investment-ready projects are. The Global Comparison  Mature markets solved this problem gradually and mostly invisibly, through decades of institution-building that predates the current infrastructure conversation: specialist project finance units inside banks, standardised PPP frameworks, established regulatory playbooks, deep benches of transaction lawyers and engineers who move between deals rather than between one-off assignments. Emerging and frontier markets are not being asked to meet a lower standard. They are being asked to meet the same standard without having built the same machinery, and then being told, when deals fail to close, that the problem is insufficient funding….
Cover StoryNewsSports

Union Bank, AIICO Multishield, Checkers Custard, Others Back 5th Cycling Lagos

2 Mins read
Union Bank of Nigeria Plc, AIICO Multishield, Checkers Custard and other corporate organisations have thrown their weight behind the 5th Cycling Lagos,…
Stay on the loop!

Subscribe to our latest news.

Leave a Reply

WP2Social Auto Publish Powered By : XYZScripts.com