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Nigerian Senate and the “Bow and Go” Tradition

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I’ve combed the legislative books, the Legislative Power and Privileges Act, the Acts Interpretation Act, the Constitution, and the Senate rule books from 1999 to date. I did not come across anything that legalised the practice of “Bow and Go.”” I have also checked out this practice in other parliaments across the world and came up with a shocking revelation that it is a Nigerian invention

By Taiwo Adisa

Before we go into the main issue, I slated for discussion today, let’s digress a bit. Someone sent me a few lines as soon as the presidency forwarded the list containing 65 career and non-career ambassadorial nominees to the Senate. One of the names that struck the eyes is that of Senator Jimoh Ibrahim, the senator representing Ondo South in the red chamber. Ibrahim was sworn in as Senator in June 2023, and some two years and six months later, he discovered he was not a candidate for the legislative chambers.

He has been busy celebrating his nomination as an ambassador. Here is a reader’s take on the oddity his nomination portends: “Someone should write about the fall of the senate to the extent that a Senator (Jimoh Ibrahim) is celebrating and being congratulated for being nominated as an ambassador. Something that should be beneath a Senator. Even accepting the role of a minister should be anathema. Udo Udoma, as Senator, rejected (President Olusegun) Obasanjo’s offer to be minister. Today, showing how far we have fallen, Senators are scrambling to be members of the executive. Very soon, they will become commissioners in their states!!”

That writer is talking about a crumbling standard, from a pedestal, to not a standard at all. It should leave a sour taste in the mouth to see a revered institution dragging itself either into infamy or into the mud. In December 2023, the former Governor of Plateau State, Simon Lalong resigned his position as Minister of Employment, Labour and Productivity in the cabinet of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to take up his seat as the Senator representing Plateau South. He had been engaged in a legal battle to reclaim the seat after the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) earlier declared that he had lost the election. Lalong’s example appeared to have redeemed the image of the Senate following the decision of Senator Tokunbo Afikuyomi to serve in Lagos State, and the misgivings by some legislative purists to the decision of former Senate President Anyim Pius Anyim to serve as the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), after his tenure as the nation’s number three man.

So much for a digression. Last week, the Senate eventually screened the career and non-career ambassadorial nominees at the Committee on Foreign Affairs. It turned out to be a jamboree of some sort and an unexpected rein of the “Bow and Go” culture. Reports that emanated from Senate Room 301, venue of the screening, indicated the good (very few) and the bad. There was drama when Senator Adams Oshiomhole clashed with Senator Ali Ndume over the screening of Reno Omokri. It was a needless argument that got ballooned into national importance. But the oddity that followed was higher in volume, even though many applauded it as the norm-the gale of “Bow and Go” courtesy accorded many nominees-something that is already apportioning a slur on the image of the Senate.

I’ve combed the legislative books, the Legislative Power and Privileges Act, the Acts Interpretation Act, the Constitution, and the Senate rule books from 1999 to date. I did not come across anything that legalised the practice of “Bow and Go.”” I have also checked out this practice in other parliaments across the world and came up with a shocking revelation that it is a Nigerian invention.

And if you may ask, what do senators mean by “Bow and Go?” It is a culture in Nigeria’s Senate screening process where a nominee is simply asked to bow before the chair (Presiding officer) and the Senate, without answering any question related or not related to the nomination. This culture that started growing in the Senate since 2003 is accorded largely to former lawmakers, either in the Senate or the House of Representatives, or to their spouses. Such nominees are allowed to simply acknowledge the lawmakers, go through their resume, and then bow to the three corners of the chamber and leave. They simply passed through the confirmation process, which is the voting process where the ‘Aye’ usually has it.

Over the years, this tradition has been extended to ministerial nominees, ambassadorial nominees, and more. A short video clip surfaced recently when one senator was canvassing that the “Bow and Go” courtesy be accorded to the new Minister of Defence, General Christopher Musa. Senate President Godswill Akpabio, who flared up at the suggestion, was quoted as saying: ‘Why would the chamber accord Musa a “Bow and Go” privilege when Donald Trump is on the nation’s neck over matters of insecurity.’ Akpabio’s outburst was a realisation that the culture, invented by the Nigerian Senate, serves no good to anyone.

This practice has been criticized for undermining the screening process and denying Nigerians the opportunity to assess the qualifications, if not the quality, of nominees for public office. True, the practice is used to favour the fast-tracking of the confirmation process, but I can’t fathom any good it brings to the polity.

It all started like a stroll in the park. If at least two senators from your state agree on your nomination, that can soften the ground for you. If the three senators agree with your nomination, then you can enjoy the bow and go privilege because all it takes is for one of them to plead with the Senate to note that ‘the nominee before them is a kind man who has the capacity to deliver on his assignments’. He then pleads that the nominee be allowed to take a ‘bow and go’. It later developed into privileges accorded to presiding officers. This was in the heydays of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). If a nominee got his or her nomination through the President of the Senate or any of the principal officers, he or she is asked to ‘bow and go’ as a mark of respect to the ranking senator, who facilitated the nomination. It went on and on. Sometimes, if a single female nominee is on the list, such a one could be asked to ‘bow and go’ in deference to the gender sentiment.

In the example of the 10th Senate being presided over by Akpabio, the ‘bow and go’ culture has become so notoriously used as if it is a weapon of mass destruction. The Senate had set the tradition of setting free their own-whoever had served in the Senate before, and then extended the same to former members of the House of Representatives. But in the present situation, things appeared to have been decentralised, and the screening last week treated the mundane rather than key national issues. There were no quotes from the nominees on diplomacy, nothing about what Nigeria’s foreign policy initiative meant, nothing but the ‘bow and go’ courtesy.

In contrast, parliaments across the world devote ample time to such screenings while taking the nominees through rigorous questions and scrutiny. Other parliaments, such as the US and the UK, apply transparent processes that show accountability to the people. Are there implications for this Nigerian invention? Sure, they are varied and multifaceted. One of such is the lack of accountability in the process. Legislators are representatives of the people. They are to take positions on the people’s behalf. When they do things that refuse to give room for accountability or shut down the same people they are supposed to represent, they miss the point, denying the people the opportunity to assess potential office holders. Aside from that, lawmakers also undermine transparency by creating a perception of favouritism, thus undermining public trust in the screening process and potentially eroding public confidence in government institutions. When lawmakers engage in inadequate scrutiny of nominees, they already endanger the oversight function of the parliament, as incompetent hands are likely to get the nod of the Senate to occupy public office. There is also the culture of patronage that the ‘bow and go’ culture seeks to foster. It’s a rub my back, I rub your back scenario, whereby quality is sacrificed at the altar of sentiment.

Since there is no example of parliaments that practice the “Bow and Go” culture the way it is practiced in Nigeria, we may have to look at certain peculiarities that informed the emergence of the practice. My search revealed that the unwarranted culture, which is different from the relaxed screening process as you may observe in other parliaments, might have evolved as part of cultural practices in the country, seeping into political trends.

Culture has a huge influence on our politics, and the culture of respect for elders might have influenced the rise of the “Bow and Go” tradition. The respect for elders, which spreads across the different cultures in the land, might have cleverly locked itself into the behaviors of the lawmakers and sometimes misapplied.

It is also possible that the lawmakers have misinterpreted the legislative privilege accorded to them by the Constitution. The privileges include immunity from civil or criminal proceedings for actions taken in the course of their duties. Some lawmakers may think that if one of them has enjoyed that privilege once, he should continue to enjoy it till God knows when. The fact that a presiding officer has been accorded that right once means that his successors will also continue to enjoy the same, and that allows the unwritten law to keep expanding. So, what does “Bow and Go” bring to the Nigerian polity? Nothing, really. One sad thing is that it denies us all the opportunity to see the intellectual capacity of the nominees. The other is that for the good nominees, it’s like helping to keep the lit candle under the table. In all, no one should be afraid of a rigorous screening in the Senate. This Nigerian invention of a parliamentary practice should simply be allowed to ‘bow and go’ out of the red chamber.

   

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Time Nigeria is a modern and general interest Magazine with its Headquarters in Abuja. The Magazine has a remarkable difference in editorial philosophy and goals, it adheres strictly to the ethics of Journalism by using the finest ethos of the profession to promote peace among citizens; identifying and harnessing the nation’s vast resources; celebrating achievements of government agencies, individuals, groups and corporate organizations and above all, repositioning Nigeria for the needed growth and development. Time Nigeria gives emphasis to places and issues that have not been given adequate attention by others. The Magazine is national in outlook and is currently being read and patronized both in print and on our vibrant and active online platform (www.timenigeria.com).
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The Missing Middle of Infrastructure Finance: Why Capital Still Fails to Become Infrastructure

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  By Chidi Nwafor  In October 2023, a Gulf sovereign wealth fund quietly closed a $2 billion allocation to global infrastructure, earmarked in part for emerging-market energy and transport assets. The announcement drew the usual applause: another sign, commentators said, that institutional capital was finally waking up to the infrastructure opportunity in the Global South. Eighteen months later, less than a tenth of that allocation had actually left the fund’s balance sheet. Not because the mandate had changed. Not because the fund had lost appetite. According to two people familiar with the portfolio, the constraint was simpler and more uncomfortable: there were not enough investable projects to put the money into. This is not a story about a reluctant investor. It is a story about capital that wants to move, cannot find enough places willing and able to receive it in a form it can underwrite, and quietly waits instead. Multiply that fund by the hundreds of pension schemes, sovereign wealth vehicles, commercial banks and infrastructure funds now carrying dedicated allocations for emerging-market infrastructure, and a pattern emerges that rarely makes it into a headline: the world is not short of capital for infrastructure. It has capital in historic abundance, sitting adjacent to a historic infrastructure gap, unable to cross the distance between the two. The Comfortable Explanation  The explanation on offer at every major infrastructure summit is a familiar one. Global infrastructure investment needs run into the tens of trillions of dollars over the coming decade; committed capital falls well short; therefore, the problem is one of insufficient funding, and the solution is more of it: more pledges, more blended-finance facilities, more climate funds, more multilateral capital increases. It is a comfortable explanation because it assigns responsibility clearly to governments who under-fund, institutions who under-commit, and it offers a clean remedy: raise more. 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Availability Is Not Deployability  Capital availability and capital deployability are not the same condition, and the conflation of the two is doing real damage to how the world thinks about the infrastructure gap. Availability asks whether money exists somewhere with a mandate that could, in principle, be pointed at infrastructure. Deployability asks something much narrower and much harder: whether a specific project, at a specific moment, has been engineered, structured, documented and de-risked to the point where an investment committee can approve it without exception. The first condition is met, overwhelmingly, across nearly every category of capital that matters to infrastructure. The second is met by only a small fraction of the projects competing for it. The result is a market that looks, from the outside, like a financing gap, and functions, from the inside, like a conversion problem: an abundance of capital on one side, an abundance of infrastructure need on the other, and an underbuilt set of mechanisms in between capable of turning one into the other at any meaningful scale. Where the Conversion Breaks  The break does not happen at the ends of the process. It happens in the middle, in the unglamorous sequence of work that turns a plausible concept into an instrument a fiduciary can sign. A promising transmission project needs a feasibility study rigorous enough to survive institutional scrutiny rather than optimistic enough to attract early interest. It needs offtake arrangements that hold up under real counterparty and currency risk, not the counterparty risk assumed in a base case. It needs environmental and social documentation calibrated to the standards of the institutions being asked to fund it, not the standards of the jurisdiction hosting it. It needs a legal and commercial structure that allocates risk in ways a commercial lender, not only a development financier, will accept. It needs a sponsor capable of executing what has been proposed, not merely capable of proposing it. Each of these is ordinary project finance discipline. None of it is exotic, and in mature infrastructure markets it happens as a matter of course, absorbed into systems built over decades: specialist advisers, standard-form contracts, established procurement norms, deep pools of transaction expertise. What is missing in the markets where the infrastructure gap is largest is not the standard itself but the machinery that meets it. Projects arrive at investment committees with ambition intact and preparation incomplete, and that gap is treated, again and again, as an individual project’s failure rather than what it actually is: a structural absence in the systems responsible for producing investable transactions at scale. 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The African Dimension  Africa makes this dynamic unusually visible, and consequently offers an unusually clear opportunity to correct it. The continent’s infrastructure financing need, by any measure, is vast. Less understood is that the shortfall is disproportionately one of preparation rather than capital. Nigerian gas-to-power, off-grid solar and mini-grid developers have each demonstrated that individual projects can clear the bankability bar; what has not emerged is systemic pipeline scale, a steady stream of comparably prepared projects large enough to absorb the capital already circling the sector. The pattern repeats, with local variation, from grid infrastructure in East Africa to transport corridors in West Africa. Interested capital is rarely the scarce input. Investment-ready projects are. The Global Comparison  Mature markets solved this problem gradually and mostly invisibly, through decades of institution-building that predates the current infrastructure conversation: specialist project finance units inside banks, standardised PPP frameworks, established regulatory playbooks, deep benches of transaction lawyers and engineers who move between deals rather than between one-off assignments. Emerging and frontier markets are not being asked to meet a lower standard. They are being asked to meet the same standard without having built the same machinery, and then being told, when deals fail to close, that the problem is insufficient funding….
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