OpinionPerspective

Journalists Are not Robots: Reclaiming Voice, Context, and Responsibility in Nigeria’s Media Space

4 Mins read

In Nigeria’s charged socio-political climate, there is a growing expectation, often loudly expressed, rarely examined, that journalists must function like neutral machines: emotionless, voiceless, and perpetually suspended above the fray. It is a neat theory. It is also deeply flawed. Journalists are not robots and cannot be reduced to such. They are citizens who wake up to the same realities, navigate the same economic pressures, and endure the same governance outcomes as the audiences they serve. To demand that they detach entirely from lived experience is to misunderstand both journalism and humanity.

by Adebayo Abubakar

In Nigeria’s charged socio-political climate, there is a growing expectation, often loudly expressed, rarely examined, that journalists must function like neutral machines: emotionless, voiceless, and perpetually suspended above the fray. It is a neat theory. It is also deeply flawed. Journalists are not robots and cannot be reduced to such. They are citizens who wake up to the same realities, navigate the same economic pressures, and endure the same governance outcomes as the audiences they serve. To demand that they detach entirely from lived experience is to misunderstand both journalism and humanity.

The regulatory body, responsible for television and radio broadcasting in Nigeria, the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) recently rolled out a set of guidelines on how a presenter of a programme (socio-political, especially) should not pass off their opinions as facts. Of course, that is one of the ethics of journalism that remains eternally non-negotiable. Like the saying goes: “Opinions are free, but facts are sacred.” So I do not think that needs to be made such a big deal, so much so that, it usurps the amount of time and attention it has been given so far. For most of those who commented on the issue, at the core of the debate lies a basic confusion between news reportage and opinion. Journalism is not a monolith; it is a spectrum. Straight news reporting demands fairness, verification, and balance, rooted in facts. Opinion writing, on the other hand, is the arena for interpretation, critique, and Advocacy. Here, subjectivity is neither a crime, nor an aberration. These are not ethical violations—they are foundational pillars of the craft. But the inability, or refusal, by sections of the public to distinguish between these forms has fueled unnecessary outrage and misplaced accusations of bias.
History itself does not support the myth of the “robot journalist.” As media scholar Professor Farooq Kperogi has noted, journalism did not begin with the rigid objectivity standards often imposed today. The earliest tradition, the advocacy model, was openly partisan. Writers did not pretend neutrality; they argued, persuaded, and challenged authority. It was only later, with the rise of what he calls, “the penny press” in 19th-century America, that the reporting tradition—what many now treat as the only “legitimate” journalism, gained prominence. In other words, opinion is not a deviation from journalism; it is its origin story.

So when did the rules change so drastically in Nigeria? When did we begin to treat journalists as if they must abandon their rights to freedom of expression the moment they pick up a pen or sit behind a microphone? The Nigerian Constitution guarantees these freedoms, and they do not come with an occupational exemption clause. If the pathfinders of the trade in Nigeria were half as neutral as people now try to force journalists to be, we would still be under colonial rule by now.

A journalist, like any other citizen, has the right to support a candidate, critique a government and its policies, or express dissatisfaction with leadership, provided they do not misrepresent opinion as fact within professional reporting. Why can’t a journalist support a Peter Obi, an Atiku Abubakar, a Bola Tinubu, a Rotimi Amaechi or a Rabiu Musa Kwakwanso? That is not what section 22 of the 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria implies.

Let’s be honest: the outrage among most Nigerians, as it is today, is often selective. When an opinion aligns with their personal political preferences, biases and prejudices, it is celebrated, shared or retweeted, and amplified. But when it challenges deeply held views, or interests, it is dismissed as “unprofessional” or “not journalism.” That is not a principled stance; it is convenience dressed as ethics. If the standard shifts depending on whose ox is gored, then the problem is not journalism; it is intellectual inconsistency. That explains the reason why, someone who applauds a Bayo Onanuga, a Lere Olayinka or a Reno Omokri, would condemn a Rufai Oseni.

Compounding this issue is the blurring of lines between trained journalists and unverified voices in the digital space. Not every blogger or social media commentator is a journalist, just as not every loud voice carries credibility. Professional journalism is anchored in discipline, ethics, and accountability. It requires training, editorial oversight, and a commitment to truth, even when inconvenient. The public must develop the media literacy to distinguish between a rigorously produced report and a sensationalized rumour; between news reportage, and writing an opinion piece.

The solution, therefore, is twofold. First, journalists must uphold the highest standards of their profession, ensuring that opinion is clearly labeled and factual reporting remains uncompromised. There is no defence for those who deliberately blur this line. Second, the public must elevate its understanding of how media works. A society that cannot differentiate between reportage and commentary will continue to misjudge both.

There is a timeless principle often attributed to Voltaire: the defense of one’s right to speak, even in disagreement. That principle is not a luxury; it is the backbone of any functioning democracy. If we accept that the media’s role includes shaping public discourse, setting development agenda, and holding power accountable, then we must also accept that journalists will have voices—sometimes sharp, sometimes uncomfortable, but always necessary. It is not the duty of a journalist to make a political elite comfortable by asking them patronising questions. Rather, is that duty of either their spouses or aides who are usyally “Yes-Sir” men.

In the end, professionalism is the ultimate differentiator. That is why, capacity-building is not optional for a practitioner; it is the currency of credibility. When a journalist invests in skill, depth, and ethical rigour, it shows, clear as daylight, even to the most casual of readers. And in a media landscape crowded with noise, that clarity is not just valuable; it is indispensable.

Journalists are not robots. They are thinking, feeling participants in the society they report on. The goal should not to be, to “silence them” —it is to ensure that when they speak, they do so with integrity, clarity, and unmistakable professionalism.

Abubakar writes from Ilorin, Kwara State. He can be reached via 0805 138 8285 or marxbayour@gmail.com.

   

About author
Time Nigeria is a modern and general interest Magazine with its Headquarters in Abuja. The Magazine has a remarkable difference in editorial philosophy and goals, it adheres strictly to the ethics of Journalism by using the finest ethos of the profession to promote peace among citizens; identifying and harnessing the nation’s vast resources; celebrating achievements of government agencies, individuals, groups and corporate organizations and above all, repositioning Nigeria for the needed growth and development. Time Nigeria gives emphasis to places and issues that have not been given adequate attention by others. The Magazine is national in outlook and is currently being read and patronized both in print and on our vibrant and active online platform (www.timenigeria.com).
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The Missing Middle of Infrastructure Finance: Why Capital Still Fails to Become Infrastructure

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  By Chidi Nwafor  In October 2023, a Gulf sovereign wealth fund quietly closed a $2 billion allocation to global infrastructure, earmarked in part for emerging-market energy and transport assets. The announcement drew the usual applause: another sign, commentators said, that institutional capital was finally waking up to the infrastructure opportunity in the Global South. Eighteen months later, less than a tenth of that allocation had actually left the fund’s balance sheet. Not because the mandate had changed. Not because the fund had lost appetite. According to two people familiar with the portfolio, the constraint was simpler and more uncomfortable: there were not enough investable projects to put the money into. This is not a story about a reluctant investor. It is a story about capital that wants to move, cannot find enough places willing and able to receive it in a form it can underwrite, and quietly waits instead. Multiply that fund by the hundreds of pension schemes, sovereign wealth vehicles, commercial banks and infrastructure funds now carrying dedicated allocations for emerging-market infrastructure, and a pattern emerges that rarely makes it into a headline: the world is not short of capital for infrastructure. It has capital in historic abundance, sitting adjacent to a historic infrastructure gap, unable to cross the distance between the two. The Comfortable Explanation  The explanation on offer at every major infrastructure summit is a familiar one. Global infrastructure investment needs run into the tens of trillions of dollars over the coming decade; committed capital falls well short; therefore, the problem is one of insufficient funding, and the solution is more of it: more pledges, more blended-finance facilities, more climate funds, more multilateral capital increases. It is a comfortable explanation because it assigns responsibility clearly to governments who under-fund, institutions who under-commit, and it offers a clean remedy: raise more. It is also, on close inspection, not what the evidence shows. Pension funds globally hold trillions in assets under management with explicit infrastructure allocations that remain structurally underweight, not because trustees have rejected the asset class but because deal flow meeting their risk and governance thresholds has not materialised at the pace their mandates assume. Sovereign wealth funds report the same pattern. Commercial banks with dedicated project finance desks describe pipelines that look full at the term-sheet stage and thin dramatically by financial close. Development finance institutions, whose entire purpose is to absorb risk that commercial capital will not, routinely report that their binding constraint is not capital adequacy but the volume of bankable transactions their teams can originate and structure in a given year. None of this fits the scarcity narrative. All of it fits a different one. Availability Is Not Deployability  Capital availability and capital deployability are not the same condition, and the conflation of the two is doing real damage to how the world thinks about the infrastructure gap. Availability asks whether money exists somewhere with a mandate that could, in principle, be pointed at infrastructure. Deployability asks something much narrower and much harder: whether a specific project, at a specific moment, has been engineered, structured, documented and de-risked to the point where an investment committee can approve it without exception. The first condition is met, overwhelmingly, across nearly every category of capital that matters to infrastructure. The second is met by only a small fraction of the projects competing for it. The result is a market that looks, from the outside, like a financing gap, and functions, from the inside, like a conversion problem: an abundance of capital on one side, an abundance of infrastructure need on the other, and an underbuilt set of mechanisms in between capable of turning one into the other at any meaningful scale. Where the Conversion Breaks  The break does not happen at the ends of the process. It happens in the middle, in the unglamorous sequence of work that turns a plausible concept into an instrument a fiduciary can sign. A promising transmission project needs a feasibility study rigorous enough to survive institutional scrutiny rather than optimistic enough to attract early interest. It needs offtake arrangements that hold up under real counterparty and currency risk, not the counterparty risk assumed in a base case. It needs environmental and social documentation calibrated to the standards of the institutions being asked to fund it, not the standards of the jurisdiction hosting it. It needs a legal and commercial structure that allocates risk in ways a commercial lender, not only a development financier, will accept. It needs a sponsor capable of executing what has been proposed, not merely capable of proposing it. Each of these is ordinary project finance discipline. None of it is exotic, and in mature infrastructure markets it happens as a matter of course, absorbed into systems built over decades: specialist advisers, standard-form contracts, established procurement norms, deep pools of transaction expertise. What is missing in the markets where the infrastructure gap is largest is not the standard itself but the machinery that meets it. Projects arrive at investment committees with ambition intact and preparation incomplete, and that gap is treated, again and again, as an individual project’s failure rather than what it actually is: a structural absence in the systems responsible for producing investable transactions at scale. The Missing Middle  This is the Missing Middle of Infrastructure Finance: the institutional architecture that sits between capital that wants to move and infrastructure that needs building, and whose incompleteness explains far more of the global infrastructure gap than any shortfall in committed funds. It consists of project preparation facilities able to fund feasibility and structuring work before commercial viability has been proven. Transaction advisers capable of building deals that satisfy development mandates and commercial return thresholds at once, rather than treating the two as separate constituencies to be managed sequentially. Risk-sharing and guarantee instruments that convert political, regulatory and currency risk into something a commercial balance sheet can underwrite. Aggregation platforms that bundle smaller, individually sub-scale projects into portfolios large enough to justify institutional transaction costs. Standardised documentation that reduces the bespoke legal cost of every new deal. And coordination across ministries, regulators and financiers robust enough that a technically sound project does not die in bureaucratic sequencing after the money has already been found. None of these are new ideas in isolation. What is missing is their assembly into a coherent system, deliberately funded and institutionally accountable, rather than scattered across donor-funded pilots that end when the grant does. The African Dimension  Africa makes this dynamic unusually visible, and consequently offers an unusually clear opportunity to correct it. The continent’s infrastructure financing need, by any measure, is vast. Less understood is that the shortfall is disproportionately one of preparation rather than capital. Nigerian gas-to-power, off-grid solar and mini-grid developers have each demonstrated that individual projects can clear the bankability bar; what has not emerged is systemic pipeline scale, a steady stream of comparably prepared projects large enough to absorb the capital already circling the sector. The pattern repeats, with local variation, from grid infrastructure in East Africa to transport corridors in West Africa. Interested capital is rarely the scarce input. Investment-ready projects are. The Global Comparison  Mature markets solved this problem gradually and mostly invisibly, through decades of institution-building that predates the current infrastructure conversation: specialist project finance units inside banks, standardised PPP frameworks, established regulatory playbooks, deep benches of transaction lawyers and engineers who move between deals rather than between one-off assignments. Emerging and frontier markets are not being asked to meet a lower standard. They are being asked to meet the same standard without having built the same machinery, and then being told, when deals fail to close, that the problem is insufficient funding….
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