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Needless Appointments: An Emerging Threat to Local Government Autonomy in Kwara

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“The appointment of personal aides by local government chairmen in Kwara State is a symptom of a broader problem of patronage and clientelism in Nigerian politics.

          — Dr. Abubakar Jimoh

By Abdul Alli, Abuja

When the Supreme Court granted local government councils in Nigeria full autonomy, it was heralded as a watershed moment in grassroots governance. For the people of Kwara State, it was a long-awaited opportunity to reshape their communities, prioritize development, and address decades of neglect. However, recent developments in Kwara’s local government councils suggest that the autonomy, rather than empowering citizens, is being abused by those entrusted with it.

The Elites Network for Sustainable Development (ENetSuD), an anti-corruption civil society organization renowned for its advocacy in Kwara State, has raised the alarm over the extravagance and mismanagement by local government chairmen. ENetSuD has described the appointment of numerous political aides by local government chairmen as “needless, extravagant, and a breach of trust.”

In the recent time, Social media has been awash with reports of LG chairmen in Kwara State appointing aides to newly created positions such as Chief of Staff, Chief Press Secretary, Chief Security Officer, and an array of Special Advisers covering areas as diverse as legislative matters, women’s affairs, agriculture, and even religion. These positions, according to ENetSuD, are not recognized under the Kwara State Local Government Law No. 3 of 2006.

Instead, the law limits the local government executive committee to a chairman, vice-chairman, supervisors (a maximum of five), and a secretary. Supervisors, as stipulated, are tasked with overseeing specific departments and ensuring the execution of projects. Yet, these statutory roles remain vacant as chairmen bypass legal frameworks to prioritize political appointments.

Adding to the controversy is the governor’s appointment of development officers for each local government—a move ENetSuD describes as redundant and “questionable.”

Kwara’s local governments are financially constrained, with ENetSuD’s analysis of financial data from 2020 to 2023 painting a bleak picture. Many councils are reportedly bankrupt, surviving on allocations from other LGs to cover basic expenses.

In this context, the decision to splurge on political appointees is perplexing. According to ENetSuD, most local governments spend beyond their annual income, prioritizing the payment of “irrelevant and needless political office holders” over pressing developmental needs.

“Rather than making aggressive efforts to reposition their LGs for viability that will deliver good governance to the citizens, the LG councils have prioritized extravagant expenditures,” the organization noted.

The implications of these actions go beyond financial mismanagement. By neglecting the statutory appointment of supervisors, local government chairmen are undermining the functionality of their councils. Supervisors, as political heads of departments, are crucial for the effective management of resources and implementation of projects. ENetSuD questioned why these mandated positions remain unfilled while irrelevant roles proliferate.

“This practice is not only concerning but also calls for close questioning,” said AbdulRazaq Olayemi, ENetSuD’s Deputy Coordinator for Special Duties.

Reacting to this development, a Political Scientist, a lecturer in the Departmemnt of Political Science, University of Abuja, Dr Abubakar Jimoh, in his reaction said,
“The appointment of personal aides by local government chairmen in Kwara State is a symptom of a broader problem of patronage and clientelism in Nigerian politics.

According to Alhaji Jimoh, “This practice undermines the principles of good governance, accountability, and transparency. It’s essential to address the root causes of this issue, such as the lack of effective oversight mechanisms and the culture of impunity that pervades our political system.”

In his own reaction, Mr Benjamin Adeoti, is a politician and a member of PDP in Kwara South stated that: “This is a clear case of mismanagement of public resources and abuse of office. The chairmen of local governments in Kwara State are more interested in empowering their cronies and loyalists than in providing essential services to the people. We demand that the state government takes immediate action to investigate these appointments and ensure that those responsible are held accountable.”

A Kwara born and Abuja-based businessman, Alhaji Abdulwaheed Oyerinde, who is an Economist said in his reaction, “The appointment of personal aides by local government chairmen in Kwara State is an example of how public resources are being wasted on non-essential expenditures.

“This practice not only drains the public purse but also undermines the effectiveness of local governments in delivering essential services to the people.

According to Alhaji Oyerinde, “It’s essential to ensure that public resources are allocated efficiently and effectively to promote economic growth and development.”

At the heart of this issue is a breach of public trust. The promise of autonomy was to empower local governments to deliver on their mandates, not to create opportunities for political patronage. ENetSuD’s findings are a stark reminder that autonomy without accountability is a recipe for disaster.

The organization has called on local government councils to refocus their efforts on solving the financial and developmental challenges facing their communities. They urged chairmen to adhere strictly to the provisions of the law and to channel resources toward viable projects that improve the lives of their constituents.

To restore public confidence, Kwara’s local governments must make tough but necessary decisions. Prioritizing the appointment of statutory supervisors over unnecessary aides is a starting point. Transparency and citizen engagement in governance processes are equally critical.

Kwara’s citizens, too, have a role to play. Active participation in local government affairs and holding leaders accountable can help curb the excesses of the political class. After all, autonomy is not just for the leaders—it is for the people they serve.

As Kwara State navigates this critical period, the lessons are clear: leadership at the grassroots level must align with the principles of good governance. Anything less is a disservice to the vision of autonomy and the promise of progress it holds.

   

About author
Time Nigeria is a modern and general interest Magazine with its Headquarters in Abuja. The Magazine has a remarkable difference in editorial philosophy and goals, it adheres strictly to the ethics of Journalism by using the finest ethos of the profession to promote peace among citizens; identifying and harnessing the nation’s vast resources; celebrating achievements of government agencies, individuals, groups and corporate organizations and above all, repositioning Nigeria for the needed growth and development. Time Nigeria gives emphasis to places and issues that have not been given adequate attention by others. The Magazine is national in outlook and is currently being read and patronized both in print and on our vibrant and active online platform (www.timenigeria.com).
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This is not a story about a reluctant investor. It is a story about capital that wants to move, cannot find enough places willing and able to receive it in a form it can underwrite, and quietly waits instead. Multiply that fund by the hundreds of pension schemes, sovereign wealth vehicles, commercial banks and infrastructure funds now carrying dedicated allocations for emerging-market infrastructure, and a pattern emerges that rarely makes it into a headline: the world is not short of capital for infrastructure. It has capital in historic abundance, sitting adjacent to a historic infrastructure gap, unable to cross the distance between the two. The Comfortable Explanation  The explanation on offer at every major infrastructure summit is a familiar one. Global infrastructure investment needs run into the tens of trillions of dollars over the coming decade; committed capital falls well short; therefore, the problem is one of insufficient funding, and the solution is more of it: more pledges, more blended-finance facilities, more climate funds, more multilateral capital increases. It is a comfortable explanation because it assigns responsibility clearly to governments who under-fund, institutions who under-commit, and it offers a clean remedy: raise more. 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Availability Is Not Deployability  Capital availability and capital deployability are not the same condition, and the conflation of the two is doing real damage to how the world thinks about the infrastructure gap. Availability asks whether money exists somewhere with a mandate that could, in principle, be pointed at infrastructure. Deployability asks something much narrower and much harder: whether a specific project, at a specific moment, has been engineered, structured, documented and de-risked to the point where an investment committee can approve it without exception. The first condition is met, overwhelmingly, across nearly every category of capital that matters to infrastructure. The second is met by only a small fraction of the projects competing for it. The result is a market that looks, from the outside, like a financing gap, and functions, from the inside, like a conversion problem: an abundance of capital on one side, an abundance of infrastructure need on the other, and an underbuilt set of mechanisms in between capable of turning one into the other at any meaningful scale. Where the Conversion Breaks  The break does not happen at the ends of the process. It happens in the middle, in the unglamorous sequence of work that turns a plausible concept into an instrument a fiduciary can sign. A promising transmission project needs a feasibility study rigorous enough to survive institutional scrutiny rather than optimistic enough to attract early interest. It needs offtake arrangements that hold up under real counterparty and currency risk, not the counterparty risk assumed in a base case. It needs environmental and social documentation calibrated to the standards of the institutions being asked to fund it, not the standards of the jurisdiction hosting it. It needs a legal and commercial structure that allocates risk in ways a commercial lender, not only a development financier, will accept. It needs a sponsor capable of executing what has been proposed, not merely capable of proposing it. 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