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Strengthening Nigeria’s Grassroots: APC-IGG’s Push for Federal Representation in Local Councils

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By Abdulrahman Aliagan

In an era where the demand for good governance resonates louder than ever, the All Progressives Congress Initiative For Good Governance (APC-IGG) is at the forefront of a transformative agenda. Spearheaded by its National President, Ambassador Musa Muhammed Tsoken, the APC-IGG is advocating for a groundbreaking bill that promises to reshape governance at the grassroots level across Nigeria.

Ambassador Tsoken’s call to action targets a critical gap in Nigeria’s governance structure: the need for effective federal oversight at the local government level. By proposing a bill that ensures federal representation in all 774 local government councils, Tsoken and the APC-IGG aim to infuse these councils with greater efficiency, transparency, and accountability.

This initiative is not just about increasing oversight—it’s about building a bridge between the federal government and the grassroots, ensuring that local governments are empowered to meet the needs of their communities.

The bill’s objectives are threefold, each addressing a fundamental aspect of local governance:

Smooth Monitoring and Supervision: The bill seeks to establish robust mechanisms for monitoring local government activities, ensuring they align with national development goals. This would provide a consistent framework for evaluating performance and implementing corrective measures.

Efficient Utilization of Allocations: Local governments receive statutory allocations meant to drive development at the grassroots. However, inefficiencies and mismanagement have often plagued these funds. The proposed bill aims to guarantee that these allocations are utilized effectively, directly impacting the lives of citizens.

Unhindered Governance: Governance at the local level should be seamless and responsive. By removing obstacles that hinder effective administration, the bill aims to create a conducive environment for uninterrupted governance, fostering a more transparent and accountable local government system.

Ambassador Tsoken has reached out to key stakeholders, urging them to champion this bill. The call extends to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Senate President Godswill Obot Akpabio, Speaker of the House of Representatives Hon. Tajudeen Abbas, and other influential figures, including APC National Chairman H.E. Umar Abdullahi Ganduje and Alhaji Bello Lawal, President of the Association of Local Governments of Nigeria (ALGON).

These leaders are seen as pivotal in turning this vision into reality, providing the necessary political will and legislative support to institute this change.

The APC-IGG is more than just a political initiative; it’s a movement dedicated to fostering transparency and accountability within the governance framework. The group’s efforts are centered on:

Advocating for Transparency: By promoting internal audit practices, the APC-IGG aims to curtail corruption and enhance accountability. This commitment to transparency is vital in restoring public trust in government institutions.

Strengthening Institutional Structures: The APC-IGG works tirelessly to fortify the party’s internal mechanisms, ensuring that the APC can deliver on its campaign promises and serve the Nigerian people effectively.

Supporting Good Governance: Through collaboration with various stakeholders, the APC-IGG champions best practices in governance, particularly at the local level, where direct interaction with the populace occurs.

At the heart of the APC-IGG’s mission is its support for President Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima’s Renewed Hope Agenda. This agenda seeks to drive sustainable economic growth and development across Nigeria. The APC-IGG, with its team of distinguished professionals and academics from Nigeria and the diaspora, is committed to turning this vision into reality.

The proposed bill represents a crucial step in this direction, offering a pathway to more effective and accountable local governance. By ensuring federal representation at the local level, the APC-IGG believes that Nigeria can achieve a governance model that truly serves its people, enhancing their quality of life and fostering a more inclusive and prosperous society.

As the APC-IGG continues to push for this legislative change, it calls on all Nigerians to support this initiative. The success of this bill could mark a new chapter in Nigeria’s democratic journey, one where local governments are not just administrative units but true agents of development and change.

In this pursuit, the APC-IGG stands as a beacon of hope, championing a cause that seeks to bring governance closer to the people, ensuring that every Nigerian, regardless of their location, feels the impact of good governance.

   

About author
Time Nigeria is a modern and general interest Magazine with its Headquarters in Abuja. The Magazine has a remarkable difference in editorial philosophy and goals, it adheres strictly to the ethics of Journalism by using the finest ethos of the profession to promote peace among citizens; identifying and harnessing the nation’s vast resources; celebrating achievements of government agencies, individuals, groups and corporate organizations and above all, repositioning Nigeria for the needed growth and development. Time Nigeria gives emphasis to places and issues that have not been given adequate attention by others. The Magazine is national in outlook and is currently being read and patronized both in print and on our vibrant and active online platform (www.timenigeria.com).
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  By Chidi Nwafor  In October 2023, a Gulf sovereign wealth fund quietly closed a $2 billion allocation to global infrastructure, earmarked in part for emerging-market energy and transport assets. The announcement drew the usual applause: another sign, commentators said, that institutional capital was finally waking up to the infrastructure opportunity in the Global South. Eighteen months later, less than a tenth of that allocation had actually left the fund’s balance sheet. Not because the mandate had changed. Not because the fund had lost appetite. According to two people familiar with the portfolio, the constraint was simpler and more uncomfortable: there were not enough investable projects to put the money into. This is not a story about a reluctant investor. It is a story about capital that wants to move, cannot find enough places willing and able to receive it in a form it can underwrite, and quietly waits instead. Multiply that fund by the hundreds of pension schemes, sovereign wealth vehicles, commercial banks and infrastructure funds now carrying dedicated allocations for emerging-market infrastructure, and a pattern emerges that rarely makes it into a headline: the world is not short of capital for infrastructure. It has capital in historic abundance, sitting adjacent to a historic infrastructure gap, unable to cross the distance between the two. The Comfortable Explanation  The explanation on offer at every major infrastructure summit is a familiar one. Global infrastructure investment needs run into the tens of trillions of dollars over the coming decade; committed capital falls well short; therefore, the problem is one of insufficient funding, and the solution is more of it: more pledges, more blended-finance facilities, more climate funds, more multilateral capital increases. It is a comfortable explanation because it assigns responsibility clearly to governments who under-fund, institutions who under-commit, and it offers a clean remedy: raise more. It is also, on close inspection, not what the evidence shows. Pension funds globally hold trillions in assets under management with explicit infrastructure allocations that remain structurally underweight, not because trustees have rejected the asset class but because deal flow meeting their risk and governance thresholds has not materialised at the pace their mandates assume. Sovereign wealth funds report the same pattern. Commercial banks with dedicated project finance desks describe pipelines that look full at the term-sheet stage and thin dramatically by financial close. Development finance institutions, whose entire purpose is to absorb risk that commercial capital will not, routinely report that their binding constraint is not capital adequacy but the volume of bankable transactions their teams can originate and structure in a given year. None of this fits the scarcity narrative. All of it fits a different one. Availability Is Not Deployability  Capital availability and capital deployability are not the same condition, and the conflation of the two is doing real damage to how the world thinks about the infrastructure gap. Availability asks whether money exists somewhere with a mandate that could, in principle, be pointed at infrastructure. Deployability asks something much narrower and much harder: whether a specific project, at a specific moment, has been engineered, structured, documented and de-risked to the point where an investment committee can approve it without exception. The first condition is met, overwhelmingly, across nearly every category of capital that matters to infrastructure. The second is met by only a small fraction of the projects competing for it. The result is a market that looks, from the outside, like a financing gap, and functions, from the inside, like a conversion problem: an abundance of capital on one side, an abundance of infrastructure need on the other, and an underbuilt set of mechanisms in between capable of turning one into the other at any meaningful scale. Where the Conversion Breaks  The break does not happen at the ends of the process. It happens in the middle, in the unglamorous sequence of work that turns a plausible concept into an instrument a fiduciary can sign. A promising transmission project needs a feasibility study rigorous enough to survive institutional scrutiny rather than optimistic enough to attract early interest. It needs offtake arrangements that hold up under real counterparty and currency risk, not the counterparty risk assumed in a base case. It needs environmental and social documentation calibrated to the standards of the institutions being asked to fund it, not the standards of the jurisdiction hosting it. It needs a legal and commercial structure that allocates risk in ways a commercial lender, not only a development financier, will accept. It needs a sponsor capable of executing what has been proposed, not merely capable of proposing it. Each of these is ordinary project finance discipline. None of it is exotic, and in mature infrastructure markets it happens as a matter of course, absorbed into systems built over decades: specialist advisers, standard-form contracts, established procurement norms, deep pools of transaction expertise. What is missing in the markets where the infrastructure gap is largest is not the standard itself but the machinery that meets it. Projects arrive at investment committees with ambition intact and preparation incomplete, and that gap is treated, again and again, as an individual project’s failure rather than what it actually is: a structural absence in the systems responsible for producing investable transactions at scale. 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None of these are new ideas in isolation. What is missing is their assembly into a coherent system, deliberately funded and institutionally accountable, rather than scattered across donor-funded pilots that end when the grant does. The African Dimension  Africa makes this dynamic unusually visible, and consequently offers an unusually clear opportunity to correct it. The continent’s infrastructure financing need, by any measure, is vast. Less understood is that the shortfall is disproportionately one of preparation rather than capital. Nigerian gas-to-power, off-grid solar and mini-grid developers have each demonstrated that individual projects can clear the bankability bar; what has not emerged is systemic pipeline scale, a steady stream of comparably prepared projects large enough to absorb the capital already circling the sector. The pattern repeats, with local variation, from grid infrastructure in East Africa to transport corridors in West Africa. Interested capital is rarely the scarce input. Investment-ready projects are. The Global Comparison  Mature markets solved this problem gradually and mostly invisibly, through decades of institution-building that predates the current infrastructure conversation: specialist project finance units inside banks, standardised PPP frameworks, established regulatory playbooks, deep benches of transaction lawyers and engineers who move between deals rather than between one-off assignments. Emerging and frontier markets are not being asked to meet a lower standard. They are being asked to meet the same standard without having built the same machinery, and then being told, when deals fail to close, that the problem is insufficient funding….
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